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9 


. ..THE... 


Presidential Campaign 


CONTAINING THE OFFICIAL 

PLATFORMS, SPEECHES AND 
PROCEEDINGS 


OF THE 

REPUBLICAN, 

DEMOCRATIC, 

NATIONAL SILVER PARTY 
and POPULIST 

NATIONAL CONVENTIONS, 


. . . ALSO CONTAINING . . . 


Die Act of 1873, 

0 The Bland-Allison Act of 1878 and 

The Sherman Silver Law of 1890, 

'— / \/ 

. . . AND MANY OTHER .... 


ITEMS OF INFORMATION REGARDING 
the PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1896. 


« * « 

COMPILED AND EDITED BY 

JOHN W. BALLMANN, 

II 

* % « 




OF CO, 


s> 




>N' 


Hr. , 

AUG 281896 

' n o F 





PUBLjSHEp BY 

WALTER J. BERG, 

^os. 70-72 Pjum Street, CINCINNATI, OHIQ, 

1896, 







COPYRIGHT 1896 
B V 

BALLMAN N & BERG 









»r 


CRESCENT PRINTING WORKS, 
CINCINNATI, O, 




/ 


it 



/ 

to 


PREFACE. 


The Presidential Campaign of 1896 is on, candidates have been 
nominated, principles have been promulgated and the campaigm orators 
are about to go before the people to sway the sentiment of the hesita¬ 
ting voters. Campaign literature in vast volume is being circulated 
throughout the kind. Already four great political parties have entered 
the arena for the contest. The conventions held thus far are the Repub¬ 
lican, Democratic, Populist or People’s Party and the National Silver 
Party. Others will undoubtedly follow. On every hand can be seen 
preparations of the most extensive order for a hotly contested campaign. 
The people are wrought up over gold and silver as never before. The 
people have been slow in taking up the great question of finance 
because of its complications. Comparatively few people have a clear 
conception of the financial question which has perplexed and worried our 
legislators for years. The various political platforms are quite volumin¬ 
ous this campaign, and touch upon great questions of much moment to 
our nation, not only as to finance, but upon subjects of domestic and 
foreign government and policy. It is therefore of vital importance that 
the citizens of the United States should read and study the platforms 
and principles of the various parties so that they may be able to vote in¬ 
telligently when they cast their ballots. The mission of this book is to 
bring before the people (in handy form for reference during the cam¬ 
paign) the platforms in full of the Republican, Democratic, Populist 
and National Silver Party, and also such information as will tend to 
enlighten the people upon the great questions at issue. If this can be 
accomplished we feel that the American people can be trusted to choose 
right at the polls. With the earnest desire only to throw some light 
upon the campaign of 1896 and to keep the great parties’ principles con¬ 
stantly before the people, this book is respectfully dedicated to the vot¬ 
ers of the United States of America. J. w. b. 

Cincinnati, Ohio, July, 1896. 



I 









Republican National Convention. 


• < 


The Eleventh Republican National Convention convened in the City 
of St. Louis, Mo., on Tuesday, June 16th, 1896, at 12:20 p. m., and 
adjourned on Thursday, June 18th, at 7:53 p. m., having- been in ses¬ 
sion three days. 

The Convention was called to order by Senator Thomas H. Carter, 
of Montana, Chairman of the Republican National Committee. Rabbi 
Samuel Sale, of St. Louis, Mo., invoked the Divine Blessing-, as 
follows: 


PRAYER. 

All Merciful and Most Gracious Father, Fountain of Lig-ht and 
Life, we seek Thy presence and implore Thy g-uidance in the toils and 
tasks of our earthly being-. O, Thou who art enthroned in the soul of 
man and rulest in the destinies of nations, be nig-h unto us now, and 
show forth Thy wondrous ways in this assembly of Thy people. 
Harken unto Thy servants, the bondmen of freedom, and pour out on 
them, who have come to do Thy bidding- in the service of truth and 
honor, the spirit of wisdom and understanding-, the spirit of counsel 
and streng-th, the spirit of knowledg-e, and the fear of the Lord. Make 
rig-hteousness the g-irdle of their loins and faithfulness the girdle of 
their hips, so that they may manfully discharg-e the sacred duties of 
their g-athering- to further the well-being- of the people, and to safe¬ 
guard the honor and integrity of the Nation. 

O, kindle anew in the hearts of our g-eneration the altar flame of 
devotion to the hig-h aims that inspired the minds of the founders of our 
Republic, and, above all, illumined and immortalized the life of the 
Father of his Country. 

Fill us with a deep and abiding- sense of the transcendent dignity 
and nobility of American citizenship and of the sacred oblig*ations that 
should attend it, so that we may grow from day to day in the beauty of 
civic virtue, and our beloved land from “hundred-harbored Maine” to the 
vine-clad hills of the Golden Gate, from the ice-bound North to the 
warm and sunny South, may g-o from streng-th to streng-th, until it 
achieves its destiny to become the fixed and shining- mark for every 
bark bound for the haven of law and liberty. 

Let not the glory of our past be greater than the present, nor let us 
come to shame and grief by the worship of gods of gold and silver to 
the neglect of those ideals of the mind and soul, which alone are worthy 
of a free man’s homage, and alone can secure the continued possession 
and enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. 

Remove from around us the din and noise of insincerity and hol¬ 
low-sounding shows, let bitter strife and wrangling cease, and firmly 



6 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


bound in the love of our common country, let us realize how good and 
lovely it is for brethren to dwell tog-ether in harmony. 

Prosper Thou the work of this council, convened in the cause of the 
people, and when its messag-e g-oes forth over the land ma}’- its g-olden 
ring- bring- to them the g-lad assurance that prosperity will brig-hten our 
homes, and the immediate jewel of our soul, the g-ood name of our 
people and the credit of our Government shall remain untarnished for¬ 
ever. 

May Thy grace, O, God, come upon us, and do Thou establish the 
work of our hands. Amen. 

Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indianapolis, Ind., was announced 
by Chairman Carter as Temporary Chairman, and the selection was rat¬ 
ified by the Convention. Mr. Fairbanks, on assuming- the Chair, spoke 
as follows: 


HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS’ SPEECH. 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I am profoundly grateful for this 
expression of your generous confidence. As citizens we were never 
called upon to discharge a more important duty than that which rests 
upon us—the nomination of a President and Vice-President of the 
United States. This duty is a peculiarly impressive one at the moment, 
for it is already written in the book of fate that the choice of this Con¬ 
vention will be the next President and Vice-President of this great 
Republic. 

Three years of Democratic administration have been three years of 
panic, of wasted energy, of anxiety and loss to the American people, 
without a parallel in our history. To-da}^ the people turn to the Re¬ 
publican party hopefully, confidently; and it is for us to meet their 
expectations; it is for us to give them those candidates upon whom 
their hearts have centered, and to give them clear, straightforward, 
emphatic expression of our political faith. 

The Republican party is a party of convictions, and it has written 
its convictions in the history of the Republic with the pen and the 
sword; with it the supreme question always has been not what is merely 
“politics,” but what is everlastingly “right.” The great men we have 
given to the nation and to history, the mighty dead and the illustrious 
living, are our inspiration and tower of strength. If we are but true 
to their exalted example, we can not be false to our countrymen. 

For a third of a century prior to the advent of the present Demo¬ 
cratic administration, we operated under laws enacted by the Republi¬ 
can party. All great measures concerning the tariff and the currency 
originated with it. Tariff laws were formed upon lines which pro¬ 
tected our laborers and producers from unequal and unjust foreign com¬ 
petition, and upon the theory that the best market in the world is the 
home market, and that it should be enjoyed by our own countrymen. 

Under the currency laws our currency was made national. The 
wildcat state bank money of the Democratic party was wiped out of 


7 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

existence. The unprecedented demands growing- out of the war were 
met by a paper currency which ultimately became as good as gold. 
Since the resumption of specie payment in 1879, every dollar of our 
money, paper, silver and gold, has been of equal purchasing- power the 
world over. The policy of the party has been to make and keep our 
currency equal to the best in the world. 

" Under the operation of these honest tariff and honest money Repub¬ 
lican laws the country grew in wealth and power bey-ond precedent. 
We easily 7 outstripped all other powers in the commercial race. On No¬ 
vember 8, 1892, there was work for every hand and bread for every 
mouth. We reached high water mark. Labor received higher wag-es 
than ever, and capital was profitably 7 and securely employed. 

The national revenues were sufficient to meet our obligations and 
leave a surplus in the Treasury. Foreign and domestic trade were 
greater in volume and value than they 7 had ever been. Foreign balances 
were largely in our favor. European gold was flowing toward us. But 
all of this is changed. The cause is not hard to seek. A reaction be¬ 
gan when it was known that the legislative and executive branches of 
the Government were to be Democratic. 

The Democratic party had at Chicago condemned the protective tar¬ 
iff principle as unconstitutional, and solemnly pledged itself to the over¬ 
throw and destruction of the McKinley law and to the adoption of free 
trade as the policy of the United States. This bold, aggressive attack 
upon the long settled policy of the Republican party bore its natural 
fruit in shaken confidence and unsettled business, and we were soon 
drifting against the rock of destruction. 

Before the work of demolishing was actually begun, a run was 
started upon the Treasury reserve which the Republican party had 
wisely accumulated for the protection of the Government credit. The 
drain upon the reserve for the redemption of greenbacks and Treasury 
notes greatly surpassed all prior experience, and emphasized the dis¬ 
credit into which the Democratic administration had fallen. An utter 
want of confidence in the administration possessed the people. 

The Democratic party was harmonious upon one subject, and that 
was the destruction of the McKinley law. But when they came to the 
exercise of the creative faculty, the enactment of a great revenue meas¬ 
ure in its stead, there was discord. The imperiled interests of the 
country watched and waited through long and anxious months for 
some settlement of the important question. They wanted an end of 
uncertainty. At length the Wilson bill was adopted, and it was char¬ 
acterized by a Democratic president as the child of “perfidy and dis¬ 
honor.” It was so bad that he would not contaminate his hand by 
signing it. A bill that is too base for Mr. Cleveland to approve is too 
base for the approval of the American people. 

This important law was wanting in the primary purpose of a reve¬ 
nue measure, for it failed to provide adequate revenue to meet the re¬ 
quirements of the Government. The deficiency thus far amounts to 
some $150,000,000. The end is not yet for the deficiency grows day by 
day. This leaves the Treasury and the public credit in constant peril. 
Our foreign credit is impaired, and domestic capital feels insecure. The 


8 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


sectional favoritism of the Wilson law was one of its marked features. 
Its blow'at sheep husbandry was an unpardonable offense. It was a 
flagTant wrong to the farmers of the United States. This great in¬ 
dustry had developed and grown under Republican protective laws until 
it was one of our greatest. We are now sending abroad millions of dol¬ 
lars for wool which were paid to our farmers under the McKinley law. 

The bill struck down reciprocity, one of the highest achievements 
of American statesmanship. No measure was ever enacted which more 
directly advanced the interests of the American farmers and manufact¬ 
urers than reciprocity. With its destruction fell advantageous commer¬ 
cial agreements, under which their products were surely finding larger 
and profitable foreign markets and without the surrender of their own. 

The substitution of ad valorem for specific duties has opened the 
way for systematic wholesale frauds upon the Treasury and producers 
and employes of the country. By means of under-valuations foreign 
goods pass through the custom houses without paying their just tribute 
to the Treasury of the United States. 

Thus we have lost millions of dollars in revenue, and the foreign 
producers have been enabled to unfairly possess our home markets. 
Neither time nor place will permit further reference to the unfortunate 
revenue legislation of the Democratic party nor to the hurtful, de¬ 
moralizing effect of it. Suffice it to say that it has been the great and 
original factor in breaking down confidence, progress, emptying the 
Treasury, causing continued deficits and enforced idleness among mil¬ 
lions of willing workers. 

To meet the monthly deficits and protect our credit and save the 
Government from protest the President has been forced to sell bonds; in 
other words, he has been obliged to mortgage the future in a time of 
peace to meet the current obligations of the Government. 

This is in sharp contrast with the Republican record. Our tariff 
laws not only raised revenue, but they protected our domestic industries; 
they impartially protected the farmer and manufacturer, both North and 
South. Not only that, but they also raised sufficient revenue to gradu¬ 
ally reduce the public debt, and without imposing a grievous burden 
upon the people. During the administration of Harrison $236,000,000 
of obligations were paid, while Cleveland, during the last three years, 
has added to our interest-bearing debt $262,000,000. Against such 
Democratic financiering the Republican party enters its emphatic pro¬ 
test. 

Having attempted to reverse the tariff policy of the United States 
with such lamentable results, the Democratic party now proposes to re¬ 
verse the currency policy. 

It turns to the currency as the parent of our ill. Its effort to shift 
the responsibility will deceive no one. Its attack upon the tariff, its 
record of inefficiency and insincerity is a part of the unfortunate history 
of the Republic. 

The present currency system is the fruit of Republican wisdom. 
It has been adequate to all our past necessities, and, if uncorrupted, 
will meet our future requirements. Our greatest prosperity was attained 
when Republican currency laws were in full operation. When the 


* 



WM. MCKINLEY, 

Republican Candidate for President. 






























. 


























■ 

. 















































9 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

Republican party was in power our currency was good; it was made as 
g’ood as the best on the globe. We made sound money; and we«also 
made an honest protective tariff to go with it. Sound money and an 
honest protective tariff, hand in hand, together, not one before*the 
other. 

The very foundation of the sound currency system is a solvent Treas¬ 
ury. If the people doubt the integrity of the Treasury they will ques¬ 
tion the soundness of the currency. Recognizing this fundamental 
fa'ct, the Republican party always provided ample revenue for the 
Treasury. When in the last half century of our history did the Demo¬ 
cratic party advocate a financial policy that was in the best interests of 
the American people? Look at its antebellum currency record. Con¬ 
sider its hostility to the currency rendered necessary by the exigency of 
war; and, later, its effort to inflate the currency in a time of peace by 
vhe issue of greenbacks. Witness its opposition to the efforts of the 
Republican party to resume specie payments. But four short years ago 
it declared for a return to the old discredited bank currency. 

The Republican party has not been unfriendly to the proper use of 
silver. It has always favored and favors to-day the use of silver as a 
part of our circulating medium. But it favors that use under such 
provisions and safeguards as shall not imperil our present national 
standard. The policy of the Republican party is to retain both gold 
and silver as a part of our circulating medium, while the policy of free 
coinage of silver leads to certain silver monometallism. It is an immut¬ 
able lajv that two moneys of unequal value will not circulate together, 
and that the poorer always drives out the better. 

The Republican party, desiring fairly to secure a larger use of 
silver, pledged itself in favor of an international agreement. Harrison, 
true to the pledge of the party, took the initiatory steps and invited an 
international monetary conference at Brussels, at which the subject of 
an international coinage agreement was ably and profitably discussed. 
The Democratic party was also committed to international bimetallism, 
but when it came into power the work which had been so auspiciously 
begun by the Republican party was abandoned. It was so absorbed in 
its efforts to break down the McKinley law and empty the Treasury 
that it had no time to promote international bimetallism. 

Those who profess to believe that this Government can independ¬ 
ently of the other great commercial powers open its mints to the free 
and independent coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1, when the com¬ 
mercial ratio in all the great markets is 30 to 1, and at the same time 
not drive every dollar of gold out of circulation, but deceive themselves. 

Great and splendid and powerful as our Government is, it can not 
accomplish the impossible. It can not create value. It has not the 
alchemist’s subtle art of transmuting unlimited silver into gold, nor 
can it, by omnipotent fiat make 50 cents worth 100 cents. As well 
undertake by a resolution of Congress to suspend the law of gravitation 
as attempt to compel an unlimited number of 50 cent dollars to circulate 
with 100 cent dollars at a parity with each other. An attempt to com¬ 
pel unlimited dollars of such unequal value to circulate at a parity is 
bad in morals, and vicious in policy. Sound thinkers upon the great 


10 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


question of the currency knew from the beginning-.of the experiment how 
miserably and certainly it would fail. The commerce of the country 
would be again thrown upon the sea of uncertainty and the specter of 
want would continue to haunt us for years to come. Upon opening our 
mints to the independent free coinage of silver, foreign credits would 
be withdrawn and domestic credits would be greatly curtailed. More 
than this, there would be a certain and sudden contraction of our cur¬ 
rency by the expulsion of $620,000,000 of gold and our paper and silver 
currency would instantly and greatly depreciate in purchasing power. 
But one result would follow this. Enterprise would be further embar¬ 
rassed, business demoralization would be increased, and still further 
and serious injury would be inflicted upon the laborers, the farmers, the 
merchants, and all those whose welfare depends upon a wholesome 
commerce. 

A change from the present standard to the low silver standard 
would cut down the recompense of labor, reduce the value of the sav¬ 
ings ill savings banks and building and loan associations, salaries and 
incomes would shrink, pensions would be cut in two, the beneficiaries 
of life insurance would suffer; in short, the injury would be so universal 
and far-reaching that a radical change can be contemplated only with 
the gravest apprehension. 

A sound currency is one of the essential instruments in developing 
our commerce. It is the purpose of the Republican party not only to 
develop our domestic trade, but to extend our commerce into the utter¬ 
most parts of the earth. We should not begin our contest for commer¬ 
cial supremacy by destroying our currency standard. All the leading 
powers with which we must compete suspended the free coinage of silver 
when the increased production of silver forced the commercial ratio of 
silver above the coinage ratio to gold. Shall we ignore their ripened 
experience? Shall we attempt what they found utterly impossible? 
Shall it be said that our standard is below theirs? 

You can not build prosperity upon a debased or fluctuating cur¬ 
rency; as well undertake to build upon the changing sands of the sea. 

A sound currency defrauds no one. It is good alike in the hands of 
the employe and the emplo 3 ’er, the laborer and the capitalist. Upon 
faith in its worth, its stability, we go forward, planning for the future. 
The capitalist erects his factories, acquires his materials, employs his 
artisans, mechanics and laborers. He is confident that his margin will 
not be swept away by fluctuations in the currency. The laborer knows 
that the money earned by his toil is as honest as his labor, and that it 
is of unquestioned purchasing power. He likewise knows that it re¬ 
quires as much labor to earn a poor dollar as a good one; and he also 
knows that if poor money is abroad it surely finds its way into his pocket. 

We protest against lowering our standard of commercial honor. We 
stand against the Democratic attempt to degrade our currency to the 
low level of Mexico, China, India and Japan. The present high standard 
of our currency, our honor and our flag will be sacredly protected and 
preserved by the Republican party. 

There are many and important questions requiring the enlightened 
and patriotic judgment of the Republican party. A pan- American 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


11 


commercial alliance was conceived by James G. Blaine, and the highest 
motives of self-interest require us to accomplish what he had so well 
begun. The Monroe doctrine must be firmly upheld, and the powers of 
the earth made to respect this great but unwritten law. There can be 
no further territorial aggrandizement by foreign Governments on the 
Western Continent. 

Our devotion to the pensioners of the Nation was never more em¬ 
phatic nor more necessary than now. 

The Republican party believes in the development of our navy and 
merchant marine until we establish our undisputed supremacy on the 
high seas. 

The struggle for Cuban liberty enlists the ardent sympathy of the 
Republican party—a party which has given to liberty its fullest mean¬ 
ing on this continent. We wish to see a new republic, born on Cuban 
soil, greet the new century whose dawn is already purpling the East. 

My friends, the campaign of 1896 is upon us. The great questions 
for debate in the august forum of the United States are free trade and 
free silver against a protective tariff and sound money. As we regard 
our homes and our honor, our happiness and prosperity, and the future 
power and majesty of the Republic, let us dedicate ourselves to the 
restoration of a protective tariff which shall be genuinely American, 
and to the maintenance of an honest standard of value with which to 
measure the exchanges of the people. 

A distinguished Republican has said that the supreme desire of the 
American people is for an “ honest currency and a chance to earn it by 
honest toil.” 

The Convention adjourned at l.:55 p. m. to 10 o’clock a. m., Wednes¬ 
day, the 17th. 


SECOND DAY’S PROCEEDINGS. 


When Chairman Fairbanks had called the Convention to order on 
Wednesday, at 10:40 a. m., Rev. Wilbur G. Williams, of the Union M. 
E. Church, St. Louis, offered prayer as follows: 

PRAYER. 

O, Thou Great and Eternal One; Thou to whom all hearts are 
open, all desires known, and from whom no secrets are hid; Thou who 
hast been our Help in days past, who must be our Helper to-day, and 
who art our Hope for the years to come, we bring to Thee our prayers. 

We pray Thee to be with us as Thou wert with our fathers when 
in the day of small things they stood resolutely in the land and laid the 
foundations in this Western continent of civil and religious liberty. 
We pray to Thee, who hast guided us, the people, in our peril. We 
pray to the God of Washington and of Lincoln; we pray to the God 
who has been with us as an Agent from Plymouth Rock to this hour. 




12 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


We pray to-day, as Thou wast with the founders of this great historic 
organization, when in high dedication of themselves they took a larger 
conception and a higher conception of the rights of man to find a larger 
Nation for civilization in this Western world—we come to Thee, O, 
God, asking Thy blessing upon these successors of the noble fathers, 
who are assembled here to-day. We ask that they may maintain the 
same high idea of their duties that guided their worthy and noble 
ancestry. May these men be dedicated to Thee. May they do what 
they have to db in accordance with the will of the Supreme Ruler. We 
pray that the platform presented here may be framed in righteousness ; 
that the principles promulgated in this Council may be consonant with 
the principles of the great Divine will revealed to man. 

We ask Thee, O God, that Thy blessing shall rest upon the 
people of this great Nation represented here to-day. We ask Thee, O 
God, that the men whom this Council shall place before the people of 
this great Nation to represent their thought and their programme may 
be men after Thine own heart, to whom the high behest of duty shall 
be but the voice of God ; men whom Thou dost approve and who shall 
seek here in this country the establishment of that Kingdom which, 
coming down out of Heaven, is to be builded until it shall include all 
nations and all institutions on this earth. We ask Thee to guide in the 
deliberations of this day, and of this entire Convention, and so guide 
in the future of this historic organization that this country of ours, over 
which once brooded war’s dark cloud, which was once endangered by 
belligerent factions, and which now, thanks be unto Thy good Provi¬ 
dence, has become united, purified by her trials, stronger by the strug¬ 
gles she has endured, shall forevermore be the fit champion of mankind 
in the earth, and the leader of the world in the works of man. And all 
this we ask, in the name and for the name of the world’s Redeemer and 
Saviour, Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen. 

OFFICERS OF THE CONVENTION. 

The Committee on Permanent Organization presented the following 
permanent officers for the Convention, and the report was approved b}^ 
the Convention: 

President: John M. Thurston, of Nebraska. 

Vice-Presidents: M. W. Gibbs, of Arkansas; John W. Jones, of 
Alabama; U. S. Grant, of California; A. M. Stevenson, of Colorado; 
John J. Hutchinson, of Kentucky; Lemuel W. Livingstone, of Colorado; 
A. J. Ricker, of Georgia; B. F. Polk, of Indiana; M. M. Monroe, of Kan¬ 
sas; E. C. Burleigh, of Maine; Curtis Guild, Jr., of Massachusetts; 
Clias. F. Hendrix, of Minnesota; Thomas. C. Marshall, of Nevada; 
Franklin Murphy, of New Jersey; J. W. Fortune, of North Carolina; 
Frank Reeder, of Pennsylvania; Robert Smalls, of South Carolina; 
Zachary Taylor, of Tennessee; W. S. McCormick, of Utah; J. W. Craw¬ 
ford, of West Virginia; John Anker, of Virginia; Otto Kramer, of 
Wyoming; T. B, Burns, of New Mexico; Joseph W. Fifer, of Illinois; 


13 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

L. P>. Wilson, of Iowa; W. G. Hunter, of Kentucky; Wm. P. Malster, 
of Maryland; Wm. McPherson, of Wisconsin; Nathan Frank, of Mis¬ 
souri; Thomas P. Kennard, of Nebraska; John A. Spaulding-, of New 
Hampshire; John T. Mott, of New York; J. W. Devine, of North Da¬ 
kota; David Meisner, of South Dakota; E. C. Smith, of Vermont; Albert 
Goldman, of Washing-ton; James H. Stout, of Wisconsin; John M. Fair, 
of Arizona; John I. Dille, of Oklahoma. 

Secretary: Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota. 

Assistant Secretaries: Wm. R. Riley, of Kentucky; A. B. 
Humphrey, at large ; Harry A. Smith, of Michigan; A. W. Monroe, of 
Maryland. 

Official Stenographer: James Francis Burke, of Pennsylvania. 

Sergeant-at-Arms : T. E. Byrnes, of Minnesota. 

Assistant Sergeants-at-Arms : G. W. Wiswell, of Wisconsin; 
W. W. Johnson, of Maryland ; Charles E. Stone, of Illinois ; W. P. 
Huxford, of Washington; Geo. F. Smith, of Oklahoma. 

Reading Clerks : J. H. Stone, of Michigan ; F. H. Wilson, of 
Missouri; John R. Malloy, of Ohio ; R. S. Hatch, of Indiana ; J. B. 
Bean, of New Jerse}L 

Permanent Chairman Thurston assumed the gavel, and addressed the 
Convention as follows : 

CHAIRMAN THURSTON’S SPEECH. 

Gentlemen of the Convention: The happy memory of your kindness 
and confidence will abide in my grateful heart forever. My sole ambi¬ 
tion is to meet your expectations, and I pledge myself to exercise the 
important power of this high office with absolute justice and impar¬ 
tiality. I bespeak your cordial co-operation and support, to the end that 
our proceedings may be orderly and dignified as befits the deliberations 
of the Supreme Council of the Republican party. 

Eight years ago I had the distinguished honor to preside over the 
Convention which nominated the last Republican President of the 
United States. To-day I have the further distinguished honor to preside 
over the Convention which is to nominate the next President of the 
United States. This generation has had its object lesson, and the 
doom of the Democratic party is already pronounced. The American 
people will return the Republican party to power because they know 
that its administration will mean : 

The supremacy of the Constitution of the United States. 

The maintenance of law and order. 

The protection of every American citizen in his right to live, to 
labor and to vote. 

A vigorous foreign policy. 

The enforcement of the Monroe doctrine. 

The restoration of our merchant marine. 


14 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1890. 


Safety under the stars and stripes on every, sea, in every port. 

A revenue adequate for all governmental expenditures and th£ 
gradual extinguishment of the National debt. 

A currency as “sound as the Government and as untarnished a$ 
its honor,” whose dollars, whether of gold, or silver, or paper, 'Shall 
have equal purchasing and debt-paying power with the best dollars of 
the civilised world. 

A protective tariff which protects, coupled with reciprocity which 
reciprocates, thereby securing the best market for American products 
and opening American factories to the free coinage of American muscle* 

A pension policy just and generous to our living heroes and to the 
widows and orphans of their dead comrades. 

The Governmental supervision and control of transportation lines 
and rates. 

The protection of the public from all unlawful combinations and 
unjust exaction of aggregated capital and corporated power. 

An American welcome to every God-fearing, liberty-loving, consti¬ 
tution-respecting, law-abiding, labor-seeking, decent man. 

The exclusion of all whose birth, whose blood, whose condition, 
whose teaching, whose practices menace the permanency of free institu¬ 
tions, endanger the safety of American society, or lessen the opportuni¬ 
ties of American labor. 

The abolition of sectionalism, every star in the American flag 
shining for the honor and welfare and happiness of every Common¬ 
wealth and of all the people. 

A deathless loyalty to all that is trul} 7 American, and a patriotism 
as eternal as the stars. 

The Convention then adjourned until 2 p. m. 


The afternoon session commenced at 2:40 p. m. Bishop Arnett, 
President of Wilberforce College, Ohio, opened with the following 
prayer: 

PRAYER. 

O, Lord, our Heavenly Father, the Father of our Lord and Saviour, 
Jesus Christ, the Maker of all things visible and invisible, the Judge of 
all men, we come before Thee this afternoon to thank Thee for life and 
health and the blessings of liberty which have been secured to us by 
our fathers in the days that are gone. 

We invoke Thy Divine Blessing upon our land and upon our 
country. We thank Thee for the institutions of our country. We thank 
Thee for the opportunities that Thou hast given to Thy children of' 
every race and condition in this land, that they may enjoy the blessings, 
of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness* Accept our thanks, we* 
pray Thee, for this organization that has assembled here to-day, repre-' 
senting the culture, wealth and refinement of more than forty centuries-, 
of intellectual effort. We thank Thee O, Lord, for the blessings that; 
we enjoy, and we ask Thy special favor upon those engaged in this; 




GARRET A. HOBART. 


Republican Candidate for Vice-President 



















. 































. 








































PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


15 


work, and bless them, as Thou didst their fathers and those that pre¬ 
ceded them. We thank Thee for this organization, and we thank Thee 
for the men of the past, and for the men of the present. We thank 
Thee that Thou didst give us a Lincoln who broke the fetters from the 
limbs of four millions and a half of people. We thank Thee for this or¬ 
ganization, and we ask Thee, O Lord, that Thy blessings may rest 
upon the persons nominated by this body. May the}^ be men represent¬ 
ing the principles of religion, morality and education, who go forth to 
the conquest of the great principles now underlying the institutions of 
our country. 

“These and all other blessings we ask to rest upon this organization, 
the President of the organization, the ^members of the organization; 
and grant, O Lord, that the victories to be gained in the future may re¬ 
dound to the blessing of every citizen of this great land of ours, and 
may protection and liberty and civil and political rights be secured to 
every man, woman and child from the Lakes of the North to the Gulf on 
the South; and when we have accomplished all, may Thy blessings rest 
upon us and our country and its flag, and the glory shall be Thine for¬ 
ever. Amen.” 

The Committee on Credentials submitted a report through its Chair¬ 
man J. Franklin Fort, of New Jersey. A bitter contest between the 
delegations from Delaware and Texas was disposed of by the committee 
recommending the seating of the delegates and alternates from the State 
of Delaware, headed by Anthony Higgins, and the Texas delegates and 
alternates, headed by John Grant. 

A minority report was presented by W. P. Hepburn, of Iowa, dissent¬ 
ing from the report of the majority of the committee, and recommend¬ 
ing that the delegates and alternates of Delaware and Texas, headed 
respectively, by J. Edward Addicks and N. W. Cuney, be seated. After 
a lengthy discussion, the majority report was adopted. 

The Committee on Rules submitted its report throug'h General 
Harry Bingham, of Pennsylvania, and the Convention then adjourned to 
Thursday, 10 a. m. 


THIRD DAY’S PROCEEDINGS. 

The Third day’s proceedings were opened by Chairman Thurston, 
at about 10:30 a. m., and Rev. Dr. John vScott Jackson, of Jacksonville, 
Fla., made the following prayer: 

PRAYER. 

Our Father from whose hand the centuries fall like grains of sand: 
We meet to-day united, free, loyal, to our land and to Thee. We thank 
Thee for all the blessings of life that are ours to enjoy, and we beseech 




16 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


Thj blessing- upon our labors in this Convention, and we ask that all 
thing's that we do may be done to Thy honor and g-lory. 

We ask these thing's for the sake of Him who has taug-ht us in 
praying- to say: 

“Our Father, who art in Heaven; hallowed be Thy name. Thy 
king-dom come. Thy will be done, on earth, as it is in Heaven. Give us 
this day our daily bread. Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive 
those who trespass against us. Lead us not into temptation, but de¬ 
liver us from evil: For Thine is the king-dom, and the power, and the 
g-lory, forever. Amen.” 

Senator-elect Joseph Benson Foraker, of Ohio, Chairman of the 
Committee on Resolutions, read the platform, as follows: 

THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 

The Republicans of the United States assembled by their repre¬ 
sentatives in National Convention, appealing- for the popular and 
historical justification of their claims to the matchless achievements of 
thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confidently address them¬ 
selves to the awakened intelligence, experience and conscience of their 
countrymen in the following- declaration of facts and principles: For 
the first time since the civil war the American people have witnessed the 
calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted Democratic control of 
the Government. It has been a record of unparalleled incapacity, dis¬ 
honor and disaster. In administrative management it has ruthless^ 
sacrificed indispensible revenue, entailed an unceasing- deficit, eked out 
ordinary current expenses with borrowed money, piled up the public 
debt by $262,000,000 in time of peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, 
kept a perpetual menace hanging- over the redemption fund, pawned 
American credit to alien syndicates, and reversed all the measures and 
results of successful Republican rule. In the broad effect of its policy 
it has precipitated panic, blighted industry and trade with prolonged 
depression, closed factories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprise 
and crippled American production, while stimulating foreign production 
for the American market. Every consideration of public safety and 
individual interest demands that the Government shall be rescued from 
the hands of those who have shown themselves incapable to conduct 
it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be restored 
to the party which for thirty years administered it with unequaled suc¬ 
cess and prosperity, and in this connection we heartily endorse the wis¬ 
dom, patriotism and success of the administration of President Harrison. 

We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protection as 
the bulwark of American industrial independence and the foundation of 
American development and prosperity. This true American policy taxes 
foreign products and encourages home industry; it puts the burden of 
revenue on foreign goods; it secures the American market for the Ameri¬ 
can producer; it upholds the American standard of wages for the 
American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the. farm, and 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


17 


makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign demand and price; 
it diffuses general thrift and founds the strength of all on the strength 
of each. In its reasonable application it is just, fair and impartial, 
equally opposed to foreign control and domestic monpoly, to sectional 
discrimination and individual favoritism. We denounce the present 
Democratic tariff as sectional, injurious to the public credit, and de¬ 
structive to business enterprise. We demand such an equitable tariff on 
foreign imports which come into competition with American products as 
will not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary expenses of the 
Government, but will protect American labor from degradation to the 
wage level of other lands. We are not pledged to any particular sche¬ 
dules. The question of rates is a practical question, to be governed by 
the conditions of the time and of production; the ruling and uncom¬ 
promising principle is the protection and development of American labor 
and industry. The country demands a right settlement and then it 
wants rest. We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements 
negotiated by the last Republican Administration was a national 
calamity, and we demand their renewal and extension on such terms as 
will equalise our trade with other nations, remove the restrictions which 
now obstruct the'sale of American products in the ports of other coun¬ 
tries, and secure’enlarged markets for the product of our farms, forests 
and factories. Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Repub¬ 
lican policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck 
down both, and both must be re-establislied—protection for what we 
produce; free admission for the necessaries of life which we do not pro¬ 
duce; reciprocal agreements of mutual interests which gain open markets 
for us in return for our open markets to others. Protection builds up 
domestic industry and trade and secures our own market for ourselves; 
reciprocity builds up foreign trade and finds an outlet for our surplus. 

We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith with 
the sugar producers of this country. The Republican party favors such 
protection as will lead to the production on American soil of all the 
sugar which the American people use, and for which they pay other 
countries more than $100,000,000 annually. 

To all our products—to those of the mine and the field, as well as to 
those of the shop and the factory—to hemp, to wool, the product of the 
great industry of sheep-husbandry, as well as to the finished woolens of 
the mill—we promise the most ample protection. 

We iavor restoring the early American policy of discriminating 
duties for the upbuilding of our merchant marine and the protection of 
our shipping in the foreign carrying trade, so that American ships—the 
product of American labor, employed in American ship-yards, sailing 
under the stars and stripes, and manned, officered and owned by Amer¬ 
icans—may regain the carrying of our foreign commerce. 

The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused 
the enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie pay¬ 
ments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold. We 
are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our cur- 


18 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


rency or impair the credit of our country. We are therefore opposed 
to the free coinage of silver except by international agreement with the 
leading- commercial nations of the world, which we pledg-e ourselves to 
promote, and until such agreement can be obtained, the existing- gold 
standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper currency must 
be maintained at parity with g’old, and we favor all measures desigmed 
to maintain inviolably the obligations of the United States and all our 
money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of 
the most enlig-htened nations of the earth. 

The veterans of the*Union Army deserve and should receive fair 
treatment and g-enerous recognition. Whenever practicable they should 
be given the preference in the matter of employment, and they are 
entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best calculated to secure 
the fulfillment of the pledges made to them in the dark days of the 
country’s peril. We denounce the practice in the Pension Bureau, so 
recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present Administration of 
reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from the rolls as 
deserving the severest condemnation of the American people. 

Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous and digni¬ 
fied, and all our interests in the Western hemisphere carefully watched 
and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be controlled by the United 
States, and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere with 
them ; the Nicaragua Canal should be built, owned, and operated by the 
United States; and by the purchase of the Danish Islands we should 
secure a proper and much-needed naval station in the West Indies. 

The massacres of Armenians have aroused the deep sympathy and 
just indignation of the American people, and we believe that the United 
States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert to bring 
these atrocities to an end. In Turkey, American residents have been 
exposed to the gravest dangers, and American property destroyed. 
There and everywhere American citizens and American propert}" must 
be absolutely protected at all hazards and at any cost. 

We re-assert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and we re-affirm 
the right of the United States to give the doctrine effect by responding 
to the appeals of any American State for friendly intervention in case 
of European encroachment. We have not interfered and shall not 
interfere with the existing possessions of any European power in this 
hemisphere, but those possessions must not, on any pretext, be extended. 
We hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of the European 
powers fr< m this hemisphere, and to the ultimate union of all English- 
speaking parts of the continent by the free consent of its inhabitants. 
From the hour of achieving their own independence, the people of the 
United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles of other 
American peoples to free themselves from European domination. We 
watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic battle of the Cuban 
patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our best hopes go out for 
the full success of their determined contest for liberty. The Govern¬ 
ment of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. ““'“'““T? 

the property or lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with 
its treaty obligations, we believe that the Government of the United 
States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace 
and give independence to the Island. 

The peace and security of the republic, and the maintenance of its 
rightful influence among the nations of the earth, demand a naval 
power commensurate with its position and responsibility. We, there¬ 
fore, favor the continued enlargement of the navy and a complete 
system of harbor and sea-coast defenses. 

For the protection of the quality of our American citizenship and 

of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competition of low- 

priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thoroughly 

enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to the United 

States those who can neither read nor write. 

» • 

The civil service law was placed on the statute book by the Repub¬ 
lican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew our repeated 
declarations that it shall be thoroughly and honestly enforced and 
extended wherever practicable. 

We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed 
to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot shall be 
counted and returned as cast. 

We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and 
barbarous practice, well-known as lynching or killing of human beings, 
suspected or charged with crime, without process of law. 

We favor the creation of a National Board of Arbitration to settle 
and adjust differences which may arise between employers and employes 
engaged in interstate commerce. 

We believe in an immediate return to the free-homestead policy of 
the Republican party; and urge the passage by Congress of the satis¬ 
factory free-homestead measure which has already passed the House 
and is now pending in the Senate. 

We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the earliest 
practicable date, having due regard to the interests of the people of the 
Territories and of the United States. All the Federal officers appointed 
for the Territories should be selected from bona fide residents thereof, 
and the right of self-government should be accorded as far as practicable. 

We believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation in the 
Congress of the United States, to the end that needful legislation may 
be intelligently enacted. 

We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and 
prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. 

The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of 
women. Protection of American industries includes equal opportuni¬ 
ties, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor 
the admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness, and welcome 


20 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


their co-operation in rescuing’ the country from Democratic and Populist 
mismanagement and misrule. 

Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party. By 
these principles we will abide and these policies we will put into execu¬ 
tion. We ask for them the considerate judgment of the American 
people. Confident alike in the history of our great party and in the 
justice of our cause, we present our platform and our candidates in the 
full assurance that the election will bring’ victory to the Republican 
party and prosperity to the people of the United States. 

At the conclusion of the reading- of the platform there followed a 
series of the most remarkable and dramatic scenes ever witnessed in a 
National Convention. 

Senator Henry M. Teller, of Colorado, in behalf of the silver 
members of the Platform Committee, submitted a substitute for the 
financial plank as follows : 

We, the undersigned members of the Committee on Resolutions, 
being- unable to agree with a portion of the majority report which treats 
of the subject of coinage and finances, respectfully submit the follow¬ 
ing- paragraph as a substitute therefor: 

The Republican party authorizes the use of both g-old and silver 
as equal standard money, and pledg-es its power to secure the free and 
unlimited coinag-e of g-old and silver at our mints at the ratio of 16 
parts of silver to 1 of gold. 

Mr. Teller supported his substitute plank in the following address, 
in which he also took leave of the Republican party. 

SENATOR TELLER’S ADDRESS. 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I will not attempt to inflict upon you 
a discussion of the great financial question which is dividing the people 
not only of this country, but of the whole world. The few moments 
allotted to me by the Convention will not enable me to more than state 
in the briefest possible manner our objections to the financial plank pro¬ 
posed for your consideration. I am a practical man, and I recognize the 
conditions existing in this Convention, foreshadowed as they were by 
the action of the committee selected by the representatives assembled 
from the different States. 

This plank or this proposition was presented to the whole commit¬ 
tee and by it rejected. Loyalty to my own opinion, consideration of the 
great interest that is felt in this country, compels me, in the face of 
unusual difficulties, to present this for your consideration, not with that 
bounding hope or with that courage that I have presented this in other 
bodies with greater measure of success than I can hope for here. The 
great and supreme importance of this question is alone my excuse now 
for the few words that I shall say to you. 

In connection with this subject in a public capacity I have dealt 
with it now for twenty years. I represent a State that produces silver, 



PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


21 


but I want to say to you here and now that my advocacy of the proposi¬ 
tion is not in the slightest degree influenced or controlled by that fact. 

I contend for it because I believe there can be no sound financial system 
in any country in the world that does not recognize this principle. I 
contend for it, because since 1873, when it was ruthlessly stricken from 
our statutes, there- has been a continued depreciation of all the products 
of human labor and human energy. I contend for it, because in this 
"year of 1896, the American people are in greater distress than they ever 
were in their history. I contend for it because this is, in my judgment, 
the great weight, the great incubus that has weighed down enterprise 
and destroyed progress in this favored land of ours. 

I contend for it because I believe the progress of my country is de¬ 
pendent on it. I contend for it because I believe the civilization of the 
world is to be determined by the rightful or wrongful solution of this 
financial question. I am tolerant of those who differ with me. I act 
from judg'ment, enlightened as best as I have been able to enlighten it, by 
many years of study and many years of thought. In my judgment, the 
American people in the whole line of their history, have never been 
called upon to settle a question of greater importance to them than this. 
The great contest in which many of you participated, whether we should 
have two flags or one, was not more important to the American people 
than the question • of a proper solution of what shall be the money 
S 3 ’stem of this land. 

I have said enough to show you that I think that this is not a ques¬ 
tion of policy, but a question of principle. It is not a mere idle thing, 
but one on which hangs the happiness, the prosperity, the morality and 
the independence of American labor and American producers. 

Confronted for the first time in the history of this glorious party of 
ours; confronted I say, for the first time with danger of a financial 
system that, in.my judgment, will be destructive of all the great interests 
of this land, we are called upon to give to this provision of our platform 
our adhesion or rejection. 

Mr. President, I do not desire to say unkind or unfriendly things, 
and I will touch in a moment, and only for a moment, upon the reasons 
why I object to this provision of this platform. The Republican party has 
never been the party of a single standard. It was a bimetallic party in 
its orgin, in all its history. In 1888 it declared for bimetallism ; in 1892 it 
declared for bimetallism. In 1896 it declares for a single gold standard. 

Mr. President, in 1888 we carried the State that I here represent, 
for whom? For the Republican nominee ; we carried it on a bimetallic 
platform. We carried it with a majority that was equal, considering 
our vote, to that of any State in the Union. It has been a Republican 
State from the hour of its admission. It has kept in the Senate, 
Republican Senators, and in the House, Republican members. Mr. 
President, I promised you that I would not discuss the silver question, 
and I will not, except to say that this platform is such a distinct 
departure from everything heretofore held by this party that it chal¬ 
lenges our Republicanism to accept it. 

Mr. President, the platform contains some platitudes about inter¬ 
national conferences. It provides that we will maintain the gold 


22 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


standard in this country until the principle nations of the world shall 
agree that we may do otherwise. 

Mr. President, this is the first great gathering- of Republicans since 
this party was organized that has declared the inability of the American 
people to control their own affairs. To my horror, this declaration 
comes from the great political party of Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses 
S. Grant. 

Do you believe that the American people are too weak to actually 
maintain a financial system commensurate with the greatness of the 
country of their own volition ? Gentlemen of the Convention, you will 
have no bimetallic agreement with all the great commercial nations of 
the world, and it can not be obtained. So this is a declaration, that the 
gold standard is to be put upon this country and kept here for all time. 
Do you believe that Great Britain, that great commercial nation of the 
world, do you believe that Great Britain, our powerful competitor in 
commerce and trade, will ever agree to open her mints to the free 
coinage of silver, or consent that we shall open ours as long as she gets 
the advantage of the low prices and the declining values that have 
been brought to this country by the adoption of a gold standard in 1873 
in a partial degree only ? 

We are the great debtor nation of the world. Great Britain is the 
great creditor. We pay her every year millions and hundreds of millions 
of dollars as income on her investments in this country or her loans. 
The gold standard, in my judgment, lowers prices and decreases values. 
And she buys of us millions of millions more than she (Great Britain) 
sells. She buys upon a gold standard, a lowering and depreciating 
standard. How long do you think it will be before she will agree to a 
system of values that raises the price of the farm product or the 
products of our mines in this country? It is a solemn declaration 
that the Republican party intends to maintain low prices and stagnate 
business for all time to come. 

Mr. President, there is a beautiful provision in this platform about 
the tariff. Mr. President, I subscribe to that. I believe in a protective 
tariff. I have advocated it for forty years. But it is my solemn convic¬ 
tion that a protective tariff can not be maintained upon a gold standard. 
The tariff protection principle is for the raising of the price of human 
toil, it is for giving to the producer ample compensation for his labor; 
the gold standard, on the contrary, everywhere that it is enforced, is for 
the purpose of reducing- values. 

Now, gentlemen of the Convention, I am going to make this simple 
objection as to the protective system, that it is in danger, and then I 
will call your attention to one other fact, and then I will leave it to 
your judgment whether this platform shall be adopted or whether it 
shall be rejected. 

Under existing conditions, we undoubtedly have the gold standard. 
I do not deny that but what I have sought for twenty years is to 
change it to the bimetallic system. I have believed, and I now believe, 
that when the Almighty created these twin metals, He intended that 
the world should use them for the purpose for which they were created.' 
And when he blessed this land of ours with more gold and more silver 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


23 


than any other country in the world, He meant that we should use them 
for the purpose for which they were intended, to-wit: the use of the 
people as standard money. We to-day reverse the traditions of our 
country and declare we will use only one. If the American people are 
in favor of that, I have nothing- to say. I must submit to the majority 
vote and the majority voice in this country of ours. 

I do not believe this party of ours, if it could be polled, is in tavor 
of the single g-old standard. I believe that ninety per cent, of the 
American people are in favor of bimetallism of the old-fashioned kind, 
that existed in this country up to 1873. 

Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention: I promised you 
that I would not take but a few moments, and I believe I am allowed 
only a few moments in which I can rapidly address you. But I want to 
say a few things, and they may seem to you to be personal, and that 
they ought not to be introduced in an audience like this. I must beg 
your indulgence if I seem to transcend the proprieties of this occasion, 
if I shall say something personal to myself. 

I have formed my convictions on this great question after twenty 
years of study, after twenty years of careful thought and careful read¬ 
ing. I have been trained in a school that it seems to me ought to tit 
me fairly well for reaching just conclusions from established facts. I 
have formed my conclusions to such an extent that they become binding 
on my conscience. I believe that the adoption of the gold standard in 
the United States will work great hardship ; that it will increase the 
distress, and that no legislation touching this tariff can remove the 
difficulties that now all admit prevail in this land. I believe that the 
whole welfare of my race is dependent upon a rightful solution of this 
question ; that the morality, the civilization, nay, the very relig'ion of 
my country is at stake in this contest. I know and you know that men 
in distress are neither patriotic nor brave. You and I know that hunger 
and distress will destroy patriotism and love of country. If you have 
love of country, patriotic fervor and independence, you must have your 
citizens comfortably fed and comfortably clothed. That is what made 
me a Republican in 1853, that is what made me a Republican during all 
these years, because I believed that the Republican party was good for 
the great masses of men, that its legislation was intended to lift up and 
elevate and hold up and sustain the unfortunate and the distressed, and 
give all American citizens equal opportunities before the law. I do not 
believe it can be had with the gold standard. 

You may doubt my judgment, and many of you will, but shall I 
doubt it? I must act upon my judgment, and not upon yours. I must 
answer to my conscience, and not to my neighbors. I must do my duty 
as it is presented to me, and not as presented to you. I say to you 
now, that I may hasten my remarks, that with the solemn conviction 
upon me that this gold plank means ultimate disaster and distress to 
my fellowman, I can not subscribe to it, and, if adopted, I must, as an 
honest man, sever my connection with the political organization that 
makes that one of the main articles of its faith. I repeat here what I 
said yesterday in the Committee, I would not upon my own judgment 
alone, carefully as I have attempted to prepare it, take this step alone. 


24 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


My friends, I am sustained in my view of the danger that is coming 
to us, and coming to the world by the adoption of the gold standard, by 
the intelligence of the entire world. 

They may say that the silver question is a craze. Let me tell you 
that the best part of Europe, the best part of the world, is with the 
advocates of bimetallism. All the great political teachers of Europe, 
with the exception of five or six, are the pronounced advocates of bime¬ 
tallism, unrestricted and unrestrained bimetallism. All of the great 
teachers of political economy in the European colleges, without excep¬ 
tion, are in favor of bimetallism. My own judgment, based, as I have 
said to you, on careful preparation and careful study for twenty years, 
bears me out, and puts me in accord with them, and I would be recreant 
to my trust, given to me by the people of my State, if I fail to protest 
here, and if I fail when the Republican party makes this one of the 
tenets of its faith to sever my connection from that party. ' 

Mr. President, I ask your kind permission to say a few things per¬ 
sonal to myself, and when I have said that, having told you what my 
conscience demands that I should do, I will leave this question for your 
consideration. Do you suppose that myself and my associates, who act 
with me and take the same view of this question that I do—do you sup¬ 
pose that we can take this step without distress? Do you suppose that 
we could take it for any personal advantage, or any honor that could be 
conferred upon us? We say it is a question of duty. You may nomi¬ 
nate in this Convention any man you choose; if you will put him on the 
right kind of a platform, I will vote for him. You may take any 
methods to nominate him that you think proper. I will defer to your 
judgment and support him, if the platform is a right one; but when you 
ask me here now to surrender to you my principles, as an honest man, I 
can not do that. I realize what it will cost us. I realize the gibes and 
sneers and the contumely that will be heaped upon us; but, my fellow 
citizens, I have been through this before—before the political party to 
which you belong had a being. I have advocated a cause more unpopu¬ 
lar than the silver cause. I have stood for the doctrine of free men, 
free homes and free speech. I am used to detraction; I am used to 
abuse, and I have had it heaped upon me without stint. 

When the Republican party was organized I was there. It has 
never had a national candidate since it was organized that my voice has 
not been raised in his support. It has never had a great principle enun¬ 
ciated in its platform that has not had my approbation, until now. 
With its distinguished leaders, its distinguished men of forty years, I 
have been in close communion and close friendship. I have shared in 
its honors, and in its few defeats and disasters. Do you think that we 
can sever our connection with a party like this, unless it be as a matter 
of duty, a duty not to our State, but a duty to all people of this great 
land? 

Mr. President, there are few men in a political party that have been 
honored more than I have by the people of the State in which they live. 
There are few men in this Convention or anywhere else that have been 
longer connected with this organization than I. There are few men in 
it who have been more active, and none in it, no, not one who have been 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


25 


more attached to the great principles of this party than I have been, 
and I can not go out of it without heart burnings, and a feeling- that no 
man can appreciate who has not endured it; and yet I can not, before 
my country and my God, ag-ree to the provision that shall put upon this 
country a g-old standard, and I will not, and I do not care what may be 
.the result; if it takes me out of political life, I will g-o out with a feel¬ 
ing- that at least I maintain my consistency and my manhood, and that 
my conscience is clear and that my country will have no rig-ht to find 
fault with me. 

I beg- your pardon for saying- thing-s so personal, but yet if a per¬ 
sonal fact, that to some implies perfidy and dishonor, is about to be 
taken, I think it but just to myself and my associates that I should pro¬ 
claim to you that we take this step, not in ang-er, not in pique, not 
because we dislike the nominee prospectively or otherwise, but because 
our conscience requires, as honest men, that we should make this sacri¬ 
fice, for sacrifice we feel that it is. 

Thanking- you, g-entlemen, for your kind attention, retiring- from 
you as I do, perhaps never ag-ain to have an opportunity of addressing- a 
Republican convention, I can not do it without saying- that after all I 
have in my heart a hope—nay, I have an expectation, that better 
counsels will prevail, and that it you should be foolish enough to adopt 
this platform and force us to leave the Republican party, that better 
counsel will prevail and ultimately, on a true, Republican platform, 
sustaining Republican principles, I may have the inestimable privilege 
of again addressing you. 

Senator Foraker moved to lay the silver substitute on the table. 
The motion was seconded by Senator Lodge of Massachusetts. 

On demand of Senators Teller, of Colorado; Mantle, of Montana, 
and Mr. Cleveland, of Nevada, the roll was called on the motion. 

The motion to table the substitute was carried by a vote of 818% 
yeas; 105% nays. 

Senator Foraker then moved the previous question and was promptly 
seconded by the delegations from Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. 

Senator Dubois, of Idaho, was on the floor in an instant calling for 
recognition. He demanded that the financial plank of the platform be 
voted on separately. His demand was promptly seconded by the dele¬ 
gations from the States of North Carolina and Montana. The request 
was acceded to and the call of the roll of states commenced. The 
financial plank as reported by a majority of the Committee on Resolu¬ 
tions, was adopted by the following vote : 


THE GOLD PLANK ADOPTED. 


STATE. 

TOTAE VOTE. 

YEAS. 

NAYS. 

Alabama . 

. 22 - 

19 

3 

Arkansas . 

. 16 ' 

15 

1 

California . 

. 18 

4 

14 

Colorado . 

. 8 


8 

Connecticut . 

. 12 - 

12 

1 

Delaware . 

. 6 

6 


Florida . 

. 8 - 

7 

1 

Georgia . 

. 26 * 

25 . 

1 

Idaho . 

. 6 s 

# * 

6 

Illinois . 

. 48 >- 

46 

2 

Indiana . 

. 30 

30 

# # 

Iowa . 

. 26 

23 

3 

Kansas . 

. 20 s 

15 

5 

Kentucky . 

. 26 ~ 

26 

• • 

Louisiana . 

. 16 ' 

16 

• • 

Maine . 

. 12 ' 

12 


Maryland . 

. 16 s 

16 

• • 

Massachusetts • . 

. 30 

30 

, , 

Michigan . 

. 28 ' 

25 

3. 

Minnesota . 

. 18 - 

18 


Mississippi . 

. 18 - 

18 

• • 

Missouri. 

. 34 v 

33 

1 

Montana . 

. 6 . 


6 

Nebraska. 

. 16 - 

13 

3 

Nevada. 

. 6 


6 

New Hampshire . 

. 8 

8 


New Jersey . 

. 20 

20 


New York . 

. 72 

72 


North Carolina . 

. 22 - 

14/4 

714 

North Dakota . 

. 6 

6 


Ohio . 

. 46 

46 


Oregon . 

. 8 

8 


Pennsylvania. . 

. 64 

64 


Rhode Island . 

. 8 

8 


South Carolina . 

. 18 N 

18 


South Dakota . 

. 8 

6 

2 

Tennessee . 

. 24 

23 

1 

Texas . 

. 30 

30 


Utah . 

. 6 


6 

Vermont . 

. 8 

8 


Virginia . 

. 24 

17 

7 

Washington . 

. 8 

8 

• • 

West Virginia . 

. 12 * 

12 

• • 

Wisconsin . 

. 24 

24 

• • 

Wyoming . 

. 6 

• • 

6 

Arizona . 

. 6 

• • 

6 

New Mexico . 

. 6 

2 

4 

Oklahoma . 

. 6 

• • 

6 

Indian Territory . 

. 6 

6 

• • 

District of Columbia . 

. 2 - 

2 

• • 

Alaska . 


4 

• • 


Totals.923 812*4 110 >4 




























































27 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

I he financial plank was declared carried. The whole platform was 
then adopted by a viva voce vote. 

1 he proceeding's had now reached the climax. Senator Teller 
ag-ain started for the platform, and Senator Cameron, of Utah, followed. 
Chairman Thurston requested the Convention to permit Senator Cam¬ 
eron, as a matter of personal privilege, to read the statement which the 
silver men had prepared and entrusted to Senator Cameron for presen¬ 
tation in case the gold plank should be incorporated in the platform. 
Senator Cameron read as follows; 

THE SILVER MANIFESTO. 

To the Republican National Convention of the United States: 

In announcing- the purpose asserted in this paper it is due to our 
constituents, and to ourselves, that there shall be a public showing of 
vindicating facts. 

The sole authorized expression of National Republican faith from 
June 9, 1892, until the present date has been the Platform adopted in 
National Convention at Minneapolis. 

Neither the utterances of the State conventions nor the attitude of 
the individuals could change the tenor of that Platform or abate the 
sanctity of its binding force. Every delegate to this Convention was 
elected as its adherent and its advocate. 

True, one of its most important • paragraphs has been subjected to 
such a divergence of construction as to make its language unsatisfactory 
during the intervening time, and dangerous, if continued, in the future; 
but of the intent contained within the language there has never been a 
doubt. It is the rig-fitful province of this Convention to revise the party 
tenets, and to announce anew the party purpose. 

The majority of this Convention in the exercise of such authority 
has this day made official enunciation of Republican law and gospel. 
With much of the platform we agree; believing that it in many essential 
particulars compasses the needs of humanity, affirms the mainte¬ 
nance of rights, and proposes the just remedy for wrong. But it de¬ 
clares one elemental principle, not only in direct contravention- of the 
expressian of party faith in 1892, but in radical opposition to our. solemn 
conviction. We recognize that in all matters of mere method it is but 
just and helpful that the minority shall yield to the will of the major¬ 
ity, lest we have chaos in parties and in government. 

But as no pronouncement by majorities Qcan change opposing 
knowledge or belief sincerely entertained, so it can not oblige minorities 
to abandon or disavow their principles. Assuredly, as it is requisite for 
peace and and progress that minorities should yield to majorities in 
matters of mere method, just so surely is it necessary for that same 
peace and progress that minorities shall not yield in matters of funda¬ 
mental truth. 

The Republican platform of 1892 affirmed that the American people 
from tradition and interest favored bimetallism and demanded the use 


28 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


of both gold and silver as standard money. This was accepted by us as 
a declaration in behalf of the principle upon which rests the interest of 
every citizen and the safety of the United States. In such terms the 
platform was then satisfactory to the believers in bimetallism within 
our party- Only because of equivocal construction and evasion has it 
since been demonstrated to be insufficient. 

The Platform this day adopted in the National Republican Conven¬ 
tion at St. Louis says: 

The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused 
the enactment of the law providing* for the resumption of specie pa} r - 
ments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as goodasgold. We are 
unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency 
or impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed to the 
free coinage of silver, except by international agreement with the lead¬ 
ing commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to 
promote; and until such agreement can be obtained the existing gold 
standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper currency must be 
maintained at a parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to 
maintain inviolably these obligations of the United States, and all our 
money, either coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the 
most enlightened nations of the earth. 

As the declaration of 1892 has been, by a majority of the party, 
construed to justify a single gold standard for our monetary basis, and 
as the recent trend of the official power of the party has been in that 
direction, we can but assume that the money plank of the new platform 
being much more favorable to perpetual gold monometallism, will be 
determinedly used in behalf of that idea. The Republican party has 
won its power and renown by pursuing its purposes courageously and 
relentlessly; it is, therefore, onty in accordance with the party’s history 
to assume that if it shall come to present authority iu the United States 
it will crystallize into law and administration, under this tempting plat¬ 
form, the perpetual single gold standard in our finances. This, if long 
continued, will mean the absolute ruin of the producer of the country, 
and finally the nation itself. The American people not only favor 
bimetallism from tradition and interest, but from that wise instinct 
which has always been manifest in the affairs of a people destined for 
the world’s leadership. Under the operation of our great demand for 
advancement we have become to other nations the greatest debtor nation 
of the world. We pay the vast charges which every year accumulate 
against us in the clearing house of the world, with the money of the 
world procured by the disposal of our commodities in the markets of the 
world. We are a nation of producers. Our creditors are nations of 

consumers. Any system of international or national finance which 

elevates the price of human product makes our burden lighter, and 
gives promise of that day when it shall be entirely lifted and our coun¬ 
try freed financially as it is politically from the domination of monarchy 
and foreign autocracy. 

Any system of finance which trends to depreciate the price of 
human productions, which we must sell abroad, so far adds to the burden 

of our debt, and conveys a threat of the perpetual servitude of the 

producers of our debtor nation to the consumers of creditor nations. 


29 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

History, philosophy, morals, all join with commonest instinct of 
self-preservation in demanding- that the United States shall have a lust 
and substantially unvarying- standard composed of all available g-old 
and silver, and with it our country will progress to financial enfranchise¬ 
ment. But with a single g-old standard the country will g*o to the worst 
destruction; to continued falling- prices until our people would become 
the hewers of wood and drawers of water for the consumers in creditor 
nations of the earth. 

To such an unholy end we will not lend ourselves. Dear as has 
been the Republican name to us, adherence to that name is not so dear 
as the faith itself, and we do not sacrifice one jot or tittle of the mig-hty 
principle by which Republicanism has uplifted the world when we say 
that at the parting- of the ways we cling- to the faith, let the name g-o where 
it will. We hold that this Convention has seceded from the truth; that 
the triumph of such secession would be the eventual destruction of our 
freedom and our civilization. To that end the people will not know- 
ing-ly follow any political party, and we choose to take our place in the 
ranks of the great mass of citizens who realize that the hour has 
come for justice. Did we deem this issue less important to humanity we 
would yield, since the association of all our political lives have been 
intertwined with the men and the measures of this party of past mig-hty 
achievements. But the people cry aloud for relief; they are bending 
beneath a burden growing- heavier with the passing- hours; endeavor no 
long-er bring-s its just reward; fearfulness takes the place of courag-e and 
despair usurps the throne of hope, and unless the laws of the country 
and the policies of political parties shall be converted into mediums of 
redress the effect of human desperation may some time be witnessed 
here as in other lands and in other ag-es. 

Accepting- the fiat of this Convention as the present purpose of the 
party, we withdraw from this Convention to return to our constituents 
the authority with which they invested us, believing- that we have bet¬ 
ter discharg-ed their trust by this action, which restores to them author¬ 
ity unsullied, than by giving- cowardly and insincere endorsement to the 
greatest wrong- ever willfully attempted within the Republican party— 
once redeemer of the people, but now about to become their oppressor, 
unless providentially restrained by votes of free men. 

This document was signed by Senator Henry M. Teller, of Colo¬ 
rado: Senator F. T. Dubois, of Idaho; Senator Frank J. Cannon, of 
Utah. Representatives Charles S. Hartman, of Montana, and A. C. 
Cleveland, of Nevada, being- the representatives of the Committee on 
Resolutions of their respective States. 

Senators Teller and Cannon walked over to Chairman Thurston, 
and Senator Foraker, shook them by the hand and descended from the 
stag-e. They passed through the aisle and out of the hall. About 
twenty other free silver deleg-ates followed them. This dramatic epi¬ 
sode was enacted amidst deafening- cheers, hissing-, hooting- and yelling-, 





30 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

# % 

the frantic waving- of umbrellas, hats, flag’s, handkerchiefs and a din 
and noise such as was probably never before equalled in a National Con¬ 
vention. Bands of music beg-an playing- patriotic airs which added 
greatly to the thrilling- scene. 

The silver deleg-ates who did not bolt from the Convention now be¬ 
gan explaining their action. Senator Lee Mantle, of Montana, spoke as 
follows: 

SENATOR MANTLE’S EXPLANATION. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Republican National Conven¬ 
tion: There is evidently a misapprehension as to my position and that 
which those who remain with me occupy in reference to this Convention. 

I desire to say that a majority of the delegation from the State of Mon¬ 
tana have not felt that under the circumstances surrounding this occa¬ 
sion they were justified in actually walking out of the Convention. 
But, Mr. Chairman, I must say, in deference to the wishes and opinions 
of a vast majority of the Republicans of the State of Montana, that we 
can not give our approval or our endorsement to the financial plank this 
day adopted. The gentlemen who are here in this Convention from 
their respective States represent the sentiments of the people who sent 
them here. We, of Montana, are here precisely in the same position. 
Under the pledges made by the Republican party in its National Plat¬ 
form, we of the West, went out and said to our people: “The Republi¬ 
can party is the friend of silver; it has declared that it is in favor of 
gold and silver as the standard money of this Nation.” Upon that 
statement, although we encountered the Populist wave which swept 
through our Western land, we were enabled to keep the State of Mon¬ 
tana within the Republican column and cast its electoral vote for Benja¬ 
min Harrison; but, Mr. Chairman, had it been stated that the Republi¬ 
can party was then in favor of the single gold standard, that achieve¬ 
ment would have been impossible. 

I am simply expressing the sentiments of the people who sent us 
here, and they have never been anywhere but in the Republican party. 

I have never cast in my life anything but a Republican vote, and I 
don’t want to do it now if I can help it; but we have come here under 
explicit direction, under strict instructions from the Republicans of our 
State. We would be false to them and false to ourselves if we did not 
state their position and their objections at this time. 

Mr. Chairman, in the name and in behalf of the Republicans of 
Montana, I protest earnestly, solemnly and emphatically against the 
financial plank of the platform adopted this day, and I say this, Mr. 
Chairman, that we can not accept it, we can not indorse it, we can not 
support it. But here, Mr. Chairman, there is a difference of opinion in 
this delegation. 

There are those who are satisfied to utter this protest and still par¬ 
ticipate in the proceedings of this Convention. There are others who 
feel that in refusing to support the majority declaration on this'Jgreat 
controlling issue, that they are in honor bound not to participate in the 


31 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

placing’ of a candidate, whatever the action of the delegation may be 
among - its individual members, I want to say this, we reserve the right 
to the Republicans of the State of Montana to accept or reject at such 
time and in such manner as they may determine, the Platform and the 
candidates this day placed before them in this Convention. 

Senator Arthur Brown, of Utah, then came forward to explain his 
position. He spoke as follows: 


SENATOR BROWN’S STATEMENT. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: The delegation 
from Utah does not bolt. We do not believe that the Republican party 
is an oppressor, but the guardian of liberty and the protector of honest 
g-overnment everywhere. Three of our deleg-ates have g-one and I am 
here to express our sorrow at their departure. We have begged them to 
remain, and we shall never cease to urg-e them to return. It is personal, 
larg-ely, however. As I said before, we have three deleg-ates in this 
Convention, and we have three alternates, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Green and 
Mr. Smith, all true to the old Republican party. We have come before 
you as staunch and stalwart Republicans, and as loyal to its principles 
as the everlasting - mountains are, up where we live. We do not, in say¬ 
ing- this, surrender anything of the belief that we have, and I shall not 
weary you with a speech on that subject. We still remain true to the 
principles of the free coinage of silver at the old ratio. We do not be¬ 
lieve it can be settled by a mere vote this fall or a mere vote in this 
Convention. 

Time, prosperity and success only can settle it, and when it is set¬ 
tled that way it will be the redemption of silver as constitutional 
money. But, as I said, I promised not to speak to you on that subject. 

I come to say to you that there is one great issue before the American 
people, one unto which the Republican party was pledged years and 
years ago; one which we have not yet fulilled. You have promised to 
the people of the United States an American tariff and American pro¬ 
tection. That promise you must fulfill this fall. You must send pro¬ 
tection to every ship-owner and every ship-maker; you must send pro¬ 
tection to the farmer, to the manufacturer, and I come to say to you that 
Utah, or part of us, at least, will endeavor to labor to help you in that 
cause. 

We will go to the people of that State, we will go to the protec¬ 
tionists of that State, and we will labor with them to see if we can not 
send three electors who shall vote for the nominee of this Convention, 
whoever he may be. We will labor to see to it that we have representa¬ 
tion in Congress that will vote for every tariff bill that comes up. We 
have never faltered at home on that subject; we are with you. We have 
some doubt or misgiving of the past, but our hearts will reach forward 
and we will struggle to convince you that we are right on the silver 
question. But whether you are right or we are right, we will work 
together, and we will work with you for the great cause of Ameri- 


32 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


canism. And now, Mr. President, I beg - that the three alternates be 
allowed with us as delegates in this Convention to take the place of 
those who have retired. 

Delegate-at-large A. F. Burleigh, of the State of Washington; 
next addressed the Convention as follows: 


MR. BURLEIGH’S SPEECH. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the National Republican Conven¬ 
tion: Coming from the only Pacific Coast State which declared in its 
platform 'for the maintenance of the present gold standard and against 
the free coinage of silver, I desire to take your attention for one moment. 
The young State of Washington, smaller than many of her magnificent 
sisters in this Union, yields first place -for patriotic devotion to the 
principles of this Government and loyal allegiance to the tenets of the 
Republican party to none. 

We have not come here to imbibe inspiration on the money question. 
We brought our inspiration with us, 2,500 miles, from the Pacific Coast, 
and through the States of Idaho and Montana, and it is just as good 
here now and just as-fervent as before it made the journey. 

We believe in a single gold standard because we think that the 
money which pays interest to the banker on Wall Street is none too 
good to pay the wages* of labor in Washington. And with the princi¬ 
ples of this party-• inscribed upon our banner, with protection, with 
reciprocity, with sound money, as defined by this platform and with the 
unanimous choice of the Republicans of that State for President, 
William McKinley, of Ohio, we shall go to Republican victory at the 
polls in November, and with us will go the loyal people of the State of 
Washington. 

Mr. Burleigh’s speech concluded one of the most remarkable and 
sensational debates that has ever taken place in a National Convention. 

There was an earnestness on the part of the speakers that indicated 
their sincerity and honesty of opinion. It was a wonderful debate and 
will never be forgotten by those who witnessed it. 

When quiet was restored the roll of States and Territories was 
called for naming of members of the National Committee. The Com¬ 
mittee as selected is as follows: 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 


Alabama.William Youngblood 

Arkansas.Powell Clayton 

California.J. D. Spreckles 

Colorado.J. F. Sanders 

Connecticut.Samuel Fessenden 

Delaware.J. H. Wilson 


Florida.J. G. Long 

Georgia.Judson W. Lyon 

Idaho.George F. Shoup 

Illinois.T. N. Jameson 

Indiana.W. T. Durbin 


Iowa.A. B. Cummings 












PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


33 


% 


Kansas.Cyrus Leland Oregon. 

Kentucky.John W. Yerkes Pennsylvania.. 

Louisiana.A. T. Wimberly ^Rhode Island. . 

Maine.J. H. Manley □ South Carolina 

Maryland.. .George L. Wellington□ South Dakota. 

Massachusetts.. George H. Lyman □ Tennessee. 

Michigan.George L. Waltz ^Texas 

Minnesota.L. F. Hubbard ijUtah .... 


Mississippi.James J. Hill 

Missouri.R. C. Kerens 

Montana.Charles R. Leonard 

Nebraska.John M. Thurston 

Nevada.C. H. Sproule 

New Hampshire.P. C. Cheney 

New Jersey.G. A. Hobart 

New York.Frederick Gibbs 

North Carolina.J. L. Boyd 

North Dakota.W. H. Hopkins 

Ohio.Charles L. Kurtz 


.. George A. Steele 

.M. S. Quay 

.C. R. Brayton. 

.E. A. Webster 

.... A. B. Kittredge 
.. W. P. Brownlow 

.John Grant 

.. . .O. J. Salsbury 

Vermont.George T. Childs 

Virginia.George E. Bowden 

Washington.P. C. Sullivan 

West Virginia.N. B. Scott 

Wisconsin.H. C. Payne 

Wyoming. . . Willis Vandevander 

Arizona.W. M. Griffith 

New Mexico.Solomon Luna 

Oklahoma.Henry E. Asp 

Indian Territory.. Leo. E. Bennett 


Marcus A. Hanna, of Ohio, who, as Manager of the candidacy of 
Gov. McKinley, has by his brilliant and successful campaigning 
attracted the attention of the whole political world, was unanimously 
selected as Chairman of the National Committee. 

It was decided to allow the Executive Committee to name members 
to represent the District of Columbia and Alaska. 


THE CANDIDATES PRESENTED. 

The time has now arrived for naming candidates for President. 
Hon. John N. Baldwin, of Iowa, presented the name of Senator Wm. B. 
Allison. Mr. Baldwin’s speech was intensely eloquent and was enthusi¬ 
astically received. In concluding he said: 

SENATOR AEEISON NAMED. 

Nominate him, and a thrill of joy will go from the West to the 
East, carrying on its trembling way the songs of our reapers, only to be 
lost in the roar of your furnaces. 

Nominate him, and when our corn grows gold in autumn’s time, 
our flocks teeming and our granaries full, every spindle will be turning 
day and night on the Merrimac. If you do this, light will fall on our 
darkened land and instantly a long-suffering people will hear the surges 
of returning prosperity. 

m 

THOS. B. REED PRESENTED. 

Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, followed Mr. Bald¬ 
win. He presented the candidacy of Hon. Thomas Brackett Reed, of 























34 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


Maine. The scholarly Senator’s speech was masterful and eloquent. 
The closing- paragraph of his address was as follows: 

Before the people and in the House he has ever been the bold and 
brilliant champion of the great Republican policies, which, adopted, 
have made us prosperous, and, abandoned, have left ruin at our doors. 
He is a thoroug-h American, by birth, by descent, by breeding-; one 
who loves his country and has served it in youth and manhood, in war 
and in peace. His great ability, his originality of thoug-ht, his power 
in debate, his strong- will, are known of all men, and are part of the 
history of the last twenty years. His public career is as spotless as his 
private character is pure and unblemished. He is a trained statesman, 
fit for the heaviest task the country can impose upon him. He com¬ 
mands the confidence of his party and his country. He is a leader of 
men. We know it because we have seen him lead. To those who have 
followed him he never said “Go,” but always, “Come.” He is entirely 
fearless. We know it, for we have seen his courag-e tested on a hundred 
fields. He has been called to great places and great trials, and he has 
never failed nor flinched. He is fit to stand at the head of the Republi¬ 
can column. He is worthy to be an American President. 

A National Republican Convention would hardly be complete with¬ 
out an address by Chauncey M. Depew. The distinguished orator 
stepped forward to present the name of New York’s candidate for 
President, Gov. Levi P. Morton, also ex-Vice-President of the United 
States. Among- the many beautiful passag-es in Mr. Depew’s address, 
the following- is a source of inspiration. Speaking- of Gov. Morton’s 
availability, he said : 

GOV. MORTON NAMED. 

He is the best type of the American business man—that type which 
the mother presents to her boy in the Western cabin and in the Eastern 
tenement as she is marking- out for him a career by which he shall rise 
from his poor surrounding's to grasp the prizes which come throug-h 
American liberty and American opportunity. 

You see the picture: The New England clergyman, on his meag-er 
salary, the larg-e family of boys and g-irls about him, the sons g*oing- out 
with their common school education, the boys becoming- the clerk in a 
store, then granted an interest in the business, then becoming- its con¬ 
trolling- spirit, then claiming- the attention of the great house in the 
city and called to a partnership, then himself the master of great 
affairs. Overwhelmed by the incalculable conditions of civil war, but 
with undaunted energy and foresig-ht, he grasped ag-ain the elements of 
escape out of bankruptcy and of success, and with the return of pros¬ 
perity he paid to the creditors who had compromised his indebtedness 
every dollar, principal and interest, of what he owed them. 

The best type of a successful business man, he turns to politics, to 
be a useful member of Congress, to diplomacy, to be a successful Minister 
abroad, to the executive and administrative branches of g-overnment, to 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


35 


be the most popular Vice-President and the presiding- officer of that 
most aug-ust body, the Senate of the United States. 

A round of hearty applause was accorded the distinguished speaker 
when he concluded his speech, and then the delegates and the vast con¬ 
course of humanity in the balcony awaited with breathless interest the 
calling of “Ohio,” which was to call forth the most magnificent oration 
of the Convention. When Ohio was called, Senator-elect Joseph B. 
Foraker came forward to speak. A volley of cheers rent the air as a 
tribute to as noble and typical American as lives or ever did live in this 
great country of ours. 

Foraker, the gallant leader of the Republicans of the Buckeye 
State, never appeared grander on field of battle where he bravely fought 
for the star-spangled banner, or anywhere since that memorable strug¬ 
gle, than he did on this day as he stood before the great multitude of 
American people to bring formally before them the candidacy of that 
matchless American statesman, William McKinley. Foraker and Mc¬ 
Kinley were the heroes of the hour. When quiet was restored Governor 
Foraker spoke as follows: 

FORAKER NAMES McKINLEY. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: It would be ex¬ 
ceedingly difficult, if not entirely impossible, to exaggerate the disagree¬ 
able experiences of the last four years. The g'rand aggregate of the 
multitudinous bad results of a Democratic National Administration may 
be summed up as a stupendous disaster. It has been a disaster, how¬ 
ever, not without at least one redeeming feature. It has been fair— 
nobody has escaped. It has fallen equally and alike upon all sections of 
our country, and all classes of our population. 

The just and the unjust, the Republican and the Democrat, the rich 
and the poor, the high and the low, have suffered in common. Idleness 
and its consequent poverty and distress have been the rewards of labor; 
distress and bankruptcy have overtaken business; shrunken values have 
dissipated fortunes; deficient revenues have impoverished the Govern¬ 
ment, while bond issues and bond syndicates have discredited and scan¬ 
dalized the Nation. Over against this fearful penalty we can set down 
one great, blessed, compensatory result. It has destroyed the Democratic 
party. The proud columns that swept the country in triumph in 1892 
are broken and hopeless in 1896. Their boasted principles when put to 
the test of a practical application have proven delusive fallacies and 
their great leaders have degenerated into warring chieftains of hostile 
and irreconcilable factions. 

Their approaching National Convention is but an approaching na¬ 
tional nightmare. No man pretends to be able to predict any good re¬ 
sult to come from it, and no man is seeking its nomination except only 
the limited few who have advertised their unfitness for any kind of a 


36 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


public trust by proclaiming- their willing-ness to stand on any sort of a 
platform that may be adopted. 

The truth is, the party that could stand up under the odium of 
human slavery, opposition to the war for the preservation of the Union 
emancipation enfranchisement, reconstruction and specie resumption, at 
last finds itself over-watched and undone by itself. It is writhing- in 
the throes of final dissolution, superinduced by a dose of its own doc¬ 
trines. No human agency can prevent its absolute overthrow at the 
next election, except only this Convention. If we make no mistake here 
the Democratic party will go out of power on the 4th day of March, 
1897, to remain out of power until God, in his wisdom, and mercy, and 
goodness, shall see fit once more to chastise his people. 

So far we have not made any mistake. We have adopted a platform 
which, notwithstanding the scenes witnessed in this hall this morning, 
meets the demands and expectations of the American people. It re¬ 
mains for us now, as the last crowning act of our work, to again meet 
that same expectation in the nomination of our candidate. What is that 
expectation? What do the the people want? You all do know. 

They want something more than a good business man; they want 
something more than a good Republican ; they want something more 
than a fearless leader ; they want something more than a wise, patriotic 
statesman ; they want a man who embodies in himself not only all these 
essential qualifications, but who in addition, in the highest possible 
degree, typifies in name, character, record, ambition and purpose the 
exact opposite of all that is signified and represented by the present 
free-trade, deficit-making, bond-issuing, labor-saving Democratic Ad¬ 
ministration. I stand here to present to this convention such a man. 
His name is William McKinley. 

It was 3:18 p. m. when Gov. Foraker reached this point, and here 
he was compelled to stop to allow the great audience to unbottle its 
enthusiasm. Cheers followed a million more, frantic yells were suc¬ 
ceeded by hysterical shrieks. The strains of “Marching Through 
Georgia,” “Rally Round the Flag Boys,” and kindred patriotic airs, 
mingled in strange contrast with the uproarious discord. The air was 
filled with hats, handkerchiefs, flags, parasols and red, white and blue 
plumes. For exactly twenty-eight minutes pandemonium reigned 
supreme. At 3:46 p. m. Gov. Foraker again proceeded with his speech 
as follows : 

You seem to have heard the name of my candidate before. And so 
you have. He is known to all the world. His testimonials are a private 
life without reproach ; four years of heroic service as a boy soldier for 
the Union on the battle-fields of the Republic, under such generals as 
gallant Phil Sheridan ; twelve years of conspicuous service in the halls 
of Congress, associated with such great leaders and champions of 
Republicanism as James G. Blaine ; four years of executive experience 
as Governor of Ohio; but greatest of all, measured by present require¬ 
ments, leader of the House of Representatives and author of the. 


37 


presidential campaign, is96. 

McKinley law—a law under which labor had the richest rewards, and 
the country generally the greatest prosperity ever enjoyed in all our 
history. 

No other name so completely meets the requirements of the Ameri¬ 
can people. No other man so absolutely commands their hearts and 
their affections. The shafts of envy and jealousy, slander and libel, 
calumny and detraction lie broken at his feet. They have all been shot, 
and shot in vain. The quiver is empty and he is untouched. 

The American people know him, trust him, believe in him, love 
him and they will not allow him to be unjustly disparaged in their esti¬ 
mation. They know he is patriotic, they know he is an American of 
Americans, they know he is wise and experienced, that he is able and 
just and they want him for President of the United States. They have 
already so declared, not in this or that State or section, but in all the 
States and all the sections from ocean to ocean and from the Gulf to the 
Lakes. They expect us to give them a chance to vote for him. If we 
do we shall give joy to their hearts, enthusiasm to the campaign and 
triumphant victory to our cause, and he in turn will give us an admin¬ 
istration under which the country will enter upon a new era of pros¬ 
perity at home and of giory and honor abroad. 

By all these tokens of the present, and all these promises for the 
future, in the name of the forty-six delegates from Ohio, I submit his 
claims to your consideration. 

Governor Foraker concluded his speech amid tremendous cheering. 

Chairman Senator John M. Thurston seconded the nomination of 
Governor McKinley as follows: 

THURSTON SECONDS McKINLEY’S NOMINATION. 

Gentlemen of the Convention: This is the year of the people. 
They are conscious of their power; they are tenacious of their rights; 
they are supreme in this Convention; they are certain of victory now 
and in November. They have framed the issue of this campaign. 
What is it? Money? Yes, money! Not that which is coined for the 
mine owner at the mint or clipped by the coupon cutter from the bond, 
but that which is created by American muscle on the farms and in the 
factories. In the Western mountains the clamor is for silver and the 
Eastern seashore cries for gold, but the millions ask for work—an 
opportunity to labor and to live. The prosperity of a nation is in the 
employment of its people, and, thank God, the electors of the United 
States know this great economic truth at last. The Republican part}^ 
does not stand for Nevada or New York alone, but for both; not for one 
State, but for all. Its platform is as broad as the land, as national as 
the flag. Republicans are definitely committed to sound currency, but 
they believe that in a government of the people the welfare of man is 
paramount to the interests of money. Their Shibboleth for this cam¬ 
paign is “Protection.” From the vantage ground of their own selection 
they can not be stampeded by Wall street panics or free coinage cyclones. 
Reports of international complications and rumors of war pass them 


38 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


lightly by; they know that the real enemy of American prosperity is 
free trade and the best coast defense is a protective tariff. They do not 
fear the warlike preparations of Europe, but they do fear its cheap 
manufactures. The real danger is not from foreign navies carrying 
g*uns, but from foreign fleets bringing goods. 

This is the year of the people. They have risen in their might. 
Prom ocean to ocean, from Lakes to Gulf they are united as never 
before. We know their wishes, and we are here to register their will 
They must not be cheated of their choice. They know the man best 
qualified and equipped to fight their battles and to win their victories. 
His name is in every heart, on every tongue. His nomination is certain, 
his election sure. His candidacy will sweep the country as a prairie is 
swept by fire. This is the year of the people. In their name, by their 
authority, I second the nomination of their great champion, William 
McKinley. Not as a favorite son of any State, but as the favorite son 
of the United States. Not as a concession to Ohio, but as an added 
honor to the nation. 

When his country called to arms he took into his boyish hands a 
musket, and followed the flag, bravely baring his breast to the hell of 
battle, that it might float serenely in the Union sky. For a quarter of a 
century he has stood in the fierce light of public place and his robes of 
office are as spotless as the driven snow. He has cherished no higher 
ambition than the honor of his country and the welfare of the plain 
people. Steadfastly, courageously, victoriously and with tongue of fire, 
he has pleaded their cause. His labor, ability and perseverance have 
enriched the statutes of the United States with legislation in their 
behalf. All his contributions to the masterpieces of American orator} 7 
are the outpourings of a pure heart and a patriotic purpose. His God- 
given powers are consecrated to the advancement and renown of his own 
country and to the uplifting* and ennobling of his own countrymen. 
He has the courage of his convictions and can not be tempted to woo 
success or avert defeat by any sacrifice of principles or concession to 
popular clamor. 

In the hour of Republican disaster, when other leaders were excus¬ 
ing and apologizing, he stood steadfastly by that grand legislative act 
which bore his name, confidently submitting his case to the judgment 
of events, and calmly waiting for that triumphant vindication whose 
laurel crown this Convention is impatient to place upon his brow. 

Strenghtened and seasoned by long Congressional service, broad¬ 
ened by the exercise of important executive power, master of the great 
economic questions of the age, eloquent, single hearted and sincere, he 
stands to-day the most conspicuous and commanding character of this 
generation, divinely ordained, as I believe, for a great mission, to lead 
this people from the shadow of adversity into the sunshine of a new 
and enduring prosperity. Omnipotence never sleeps. Every great 
crisis brings a leader. For every supreme hour Providence finds a man. 

The necessities of ’96 are almost as great as those of ’61. True, 
the enemies of the Nation have ceased to threaten with the sword, and 
the Constitution of the United States no longer tolerates that shackles 
shall fret the limbs of men; but free trade and free coinage hold no less 


I 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 39 

menace to American progress than did the armed hosts of treason and 
rebellion. If the voice of the people is indeed the voice of God, then 
William McKinley is the complement of Abraham Lincoln. Yea, and 
he will issue a new emancipation proclamation to the enslaved sons of 
toil, and they shall be lifted up into the full enjoyment of those privi¬ 
leges, advantages and opportunities that belong- of rig-ht to the Amer¬ 
ican people. 

Under his administration we shall command the respect of the na¬ 
tions of the earth; the American flag- will never be hauled down; the 
rig-hts of American citizenship will be enforced; abundant revenues 
provided; foreigm merchandise will remain abroad; our g-old will 
be kept at home; American institutions will be cherished and upheld; 
all g-overnmental obligations scrupulously kept; and on the escutcheon 
of the Republic will be indelibly engraved the American policy: Pro¬ 
tection, reciprocity and sound money. 

My countrymen, let not your hearts be troubled, the darkest hour is 
just before the day, the morning- of the Twentieth Century will dawn 
brig-ht and clear. Lift up your hopeful faces and receive the lig*ht; the 
Republican party is coming- back to power, and William McKinley will 
be President of the United States. In an inland manufacturing- city, on 
election nig-ht, November, 1894, after the wires had confirmed the news 
of a sweeping- Republican victory, two working-men started to climb to 
the top of a great, smokeless chimney. That chimney had been built 
by the invitation and upon the promise of Republican protective legisla¬ 
tion. In the factory over which it towered was employment for twice 
a thousand men. Its mig-hty roar had heralded the prosperity of the 
whole community. 

It had stood a cloud by day and a pillar of fire by nig-ht for a busy, 
industrious happy people. Now bleak, blackened, voiceless and dis¬ 
mantled, like a grim specter of evil, it frowned down upon the hapless 
city where poverty, idleness, stag-nation and want attested the complete 
disaster of the free trade experiment. 

Up, and up, and up, they climbed, watched by the breathless multi¬ 
tude below. Up, and up, and up, until at last they stood upon its 
summit, and there in the gdare of the electric lig-hts, cheered by the 
g-athered thousands, they unfurled and nailed an American flag-. Down 
in the streets strong- men wept—the happy tears of hope-—and mothers 
lifting- up their babies, invoked the blessing's of the flag-, and then 
impassioned lips burst forth in song-—the hallelujah of exulting- hosts, 
the mig-hty pean of a people’s joy. That song-, the enthusiastic millions 
sing- it yet: 

Hurrah, hurrah ! we bring the jubilee, 

Hurrah, hurrah ! the flag that makes us free: 

So we sing the chorus from the mountains to the sea; 

Hurrah for McKinley and Protection. 

Over the city that free flag- waved, caressed by the passing- breeze, 
kissed by the silent stars, and there the first gdad sunshine of the morn¬ 
ing- fell upon it, luminous and lustrous with the tiding-s of Republican 
success. On behalf of those stalwart workmen and all the vast army of 


40 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


American toilers, that their employment may be certain, their wages 
just, their dollars the best of the civilized world: on behalf of that dis¬ 
mantled chimney and the deserted factory at its base, that the furnaces 
may once more flame, the mighty wheels revolve, the whistles scream, 
the anvils ring, the spindles hum; on behalf of the thousand cottages 
roundabout and all the humble homes of this broad land, that comfort 
and contentment may again abide, the firesides glow, the women sing, 
the children laugh; yes, and on behalf of that American flag and all 
it stands for and represents, for the honor of every stripe, for the glory 
of every star, that its power may fill the earth and its splendor span 
the sky, I ask the nomination of that loyal American, that Christian 
gentleman, soldier, statesman and patriot, William McKinley. 

Governor Daniel H. Hastings, of Pennsylvania, presented the name 
of Senator Matthew Stanley Quay, also of Pennsylvania. His perora¬ 
tion was a splendid eulogy on the life and services of Senator Quay, 
and was well received. 

J. Madison Vance, of Louisiana, also seconded McKinley’s nomina¬ 
tion. 


This closed the nominating speeches for President, and the roll call 
of States for balloting was at once commenced. 

Only one ballot was cast as follows : 


STATE. 

NUMBER 

m ’ kineey . 

REED. 

MORTON. 

QUAY. 

AEUSON. 

delegates . 






Alabama. 

.. ..22 

19 

2 

1 



Arkansas .... 

.. ..16 

16 





California .. .. 

....18 

18 





Colorado. 

.. .. 8 






Connecticut .. 

....12 

7 

5 




Delaware .... 

.. .. 6 

6 





Florida. 

. .. . 8 

6 


2 



Georgia. 

....26 

22 

2 


2 


Idaho . 

.... 6 






Illinois. 

.. ..48 

46 

2 



• 

Indiana. 

.. .30 

30 





Iowa. 

.. ..26 




' 

26 

Kansas. 

.. ..20 

20 





Kentucky .. . . 

. ...26 

26 





Louisiana.... 

.. ..16 

11 

4 


X 1 

y 2 

Maine. 

. ...12 


12 




Maryland.... 

.. ..16 

15 

1 




Massachusetts 

.... 30 

1 

29 




Michigan .... 

.. ..28 

28 





Minnesota .. .. 

. 18 

18 





Mississippi.. . 

. ...18 

17 





Missouri. 

. ...34 

34 





Montana. 

.... 6 

1 




























PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


41 


state. number. 

m’kineey. 

REED. 

MORTON. QUAY. 

AUUISON. 

DELEGATES. 




Nebraska. 

..16 

16 




Nevada. 

.. 6 

3 




New Hampshire 

.. 8 


8 



New Jersey.... 

..20 

19 

1 



New York. 

.72 

17 


55 


North Carolina. 

. .22 

19}4 

2/4 



North Dakota.. 

.. 6 

6 



Ohio. 

..46 

46 




Oregon. 

.. 8 

8 




Pennsylvania. .. 

..64 

6 


58 


Rhode Island. .. 

.. 8 


8 



South Carolina. 

. .18 

18 




South Dakota .. , 

.. 8 

8 




Tennessee. 

.24 

24 




Texas. 

. 80 

21 

5 


4 

Utah. 

.. 6 

3 



3 

Vermont. 

.. 8 

8 




Virginia. 

. 24 

23 

1 



Washington .. .. 

-. 8 

8 




West Virginia.. 

. .12 

12 




Wisconsin. 

. .24 

24 




Wyoming. 

.. 6 

6 




Arizona. 

.. 6 

6 




Oklahoma. 

.. 6 

4 

1 


1 

New Mexico. .. ., 

.. 6 

5 



1 

Indian Territory 

.. 6 

6 



• 

Dist. of Columbia. 2 


1 

1 


Alaska. 

.. 4 

4 





924 

661 

84 Yz 

58 61 

35^ 


Absent, or not voting - , 22. Some of those not present were among 
the silver seceders. 

One vote from Montana was cast for J. Donald Cameron. 

The demonstration which followed the announcement of the vote 
was wonderful to behold. It was another typical outburst of American 
enthusiasm. Nothing more need be said. 

There was a rush on part of representatives of other candidates to 
move that the convention’s choice be made unanimous. Among these 
were Depew, Platt, Lodge, Hastings and others. 

THE VICE-PRESIDENT NOMINATED. 

Nominations for candidates for Vice-President were called for. 

Hon. Samuel Fessenden, of Connecticut, presented the candidacy of 
Hon. William G. Bulkley, of Connecticut. 



























42 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


Hon. J. Franklin Fort then came forward and presented the name 
of Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey, as follows: 

FORT PRESENTS HOBART. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: 

I rise to present to this Convention the claims of New Jersey to the 
V ice-Presidency. 

We come because we feel that we can for the first time in our his¬ 
tory bring- to you a promise that our electoral vote will be cast for your 
nominees. If you comply with our request, this promise will surely be 
redeemed. 

For forty years through the blackness and darkness of a univer¬ 
sally triumphant Democracy, the Repulicans of New Jersey have main¬ 
tained their organization and fought as valiantly as if the outcome were 
to be assured victory. Only twice through all this long period has the 
sun shone in upon us. Yet, through all these weary years, we have, 
like Goldsmith’s “captive,” felt that 

Hope, like the gleaming taper’s light, 

Adorns and cheers our way, 

And still as darker grows the night, 

Emits a brighter ray. 

The fulfillment of this hope came in 1894. In that year, for the 
first time since the Republican party came into existence, we sent to 
Congress a solid delegation of eight Republicans, and we elected a 
Republican to the United States Senate. We followed this in 1895, by 
electing a Republican Governor by a majority of 2,000. And in this 
year of grace we expect to give the Republican electors a majority of 
not less than 20,000. 

I come, then, to you to-day in behalf of a new New Jersey, a polit¬ 
ically redeemed and regenerated State. Old things have passed away, 
and behold all things have become new. It is many long }^ears since 
New Jersey has received recognition by a National Convention. When 
Henry Clay stood for protection in 1844, New Jersey furnished Theodore 
Frelinghuysen as his associate. The issue then was the restoration of 
the tariff and was more nearly like that of to-day than that of any other 
period which I can recall in the nation’s political history. 

In 1856, when the freedom of man brought the Republican party 
into existence and the great Pathfinder was called to lead, New Jersey 
furnished for that unequal contest William L. Dayton as the Vice-Presi¬ 
dential candidate. Since then, counting for nothing, we have asked for 
nothing. During this period Maine has had a candidate for President 
and a Vice-President; Massachusetts, a Vice-President; New York, 
four Vice-Presidents, one of whom became President for almost a full 
term; Indiana, a President, a candidate for President and a Vice-Presi¬ 
dent; Illinois, a President twice and a Vice-Presidential candidate; Ohio, 
two Presidents, and now a candidate for another term; Tennessee, a 
Vice-President, who became President for almost a full term. 


43 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

We believe that the Vice-Presidency in 1896, should be given to 
New Jersey; we have reasons for our opinion. We have ten electoral 
votes. We have carried the State in the elections 1893, 1894 and 1895. 
We hope and believe we can keep the State in the Republican column 
for all time. By your action to-day you can greatly aid us. Do you 
believe you could place the Vice-Presidency in a State more justly en¬ 
titled to recognition or one which it would be of more public advantage 
to hold in the Republican ranks? If the party in any State is deserving 
of approval for the sacrifices of its members to maintain its organiza¬ 
tion, then the Republicans of New Jersey, in this, the hour of their 
ascendency after long years of bitter defeat, feel that they cannot come 
to this convention in vain. We appeal to our brethren in the South 
who know with us what it is to be over-ridden by fraud in the ballot 
box, to be counted out by corrupt election officers, to be dominated by 
an arrogant, unrelenting democracy. We should have carried our State 
at every election for the past ten years if the court had been an honest 
one. We succeeded in throttling the ballot box stuffer and improving the 
corrupt election officers, only to have the whole raft of them pardoned 
in a day to work again their nefarious practices upon an honest people. 
But to-day, under ballot reform laws, with an honest count, we know we 
can win. It has been a long, terrible strife to the goal, but we have 
reached it unaided and unassisted from without, and we come to-day 
promising to the ticket here selected the vote of New Jersey, whether 
you give us the Vice-Presidential candidate or not. We make it no test 
of our Republicanism that we have a candidate. We have been too 
long used to fighting for principle for that. But we do say that you 
can by granting our request, lighten our burden and make us a confi¬ 
dent party with victory in sight even before the contest begins. Will 
we carry Colorado, Montana and Nevada this year if the Democracy 
declares for silver at 16 to 1? Let us hope that we may. New Jersey 
has as many electoral votes as those three States together. 

Will you not make New Jersey sure to take their place in case of 
need ? We have in all these long years of Republicanism been the 
“Lone Star” Democratic State in the North. Our forty years of wan¬ 
dering in the wilderness of Democracy are ended. Our Egyptian dark¬ 
ness disappears. We are on the hill-top looking into the promised land. 
Encourage us as we march over into the political Canaan of Republican¬ 
ism, there to remain, by giving us a leader on the National ticket to go 
up with us. We are proud of our public men. Their Republicanism 
and love of country has been welded in the furnace of political advers¬ 
ity. That man is a Republican who adheres to the party in a State 
where there is no hope for the gratification of personal ambitions. 
There are no camp-followers in the minority party in any State. They 
are all true soldiers in the militant army, doing valiant service without 
reward ; gain is the hope thereof, from principle only. 

A true representative of this class of Republicans New Jersey will 
offer you to-day. He is in the prime of life, a never faltering friend, 
with qualities of leadership unsurpassed, of sterling honor, of broad 
mind, of liberal views, of wide public information, of great business 
capacity, and, withal, a parliamentarian who would grace the Presi- 


44 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


dency of the Senate of the United States. A native of our State, the 
son of an humble farmer, he was reared to love of country in sight of 
the historic field of Monmouth, on which the blood of our ancestors 
was shed that the Republic might exist. From a poor country boy, 
unaided and alone, he has risen to high renown among* us. In our State 
we have done for him all that political conditions would permit. He 
has been Speaker of our Assembly and President of our Senate. He 
has been the choice for United States Senator of the Republican minor¬ 
ity in the Legislature, and had it been in our power to have placed him 
in the Senate of the United States he would ere this have been there. 
His capabilities are such as would grace any position of honor in the 
nation. Not for himself, but for our State ; not for his ambition, but to 
give to the nation the highest type of public official, do we come to this 
Convention by the command of our State in the name of the Republican 
party of New Jersey, unconquered and unconquerable, undivided and 
indivisible, with our united voice speaking for all that counts for good 
citizenship in our State, we present to you for the office of Vice-Presi¬ 
dent of the Republic, Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey. 


Hon. S. W. K. Allen, of Rhode Island, now named Hon. Charles 
Warren Lippitt, of Rhode Island, as that state’s choice. 

Hon. William M. Randolph, of Tennessee, presented the name ef 
Hon. Henry Clay Evans, also of Tennessee. 

It might be here remarked that Mr. Evans was one of the most pop¬ 
ular of the aspirants to the office of Vice-President. It was thought 
by many up to the time of balloting that he would surely win. Although 
defeated, Mr. Evans drew to himself the favorable attention of the 
people of the country. 

Hon. D. F. Bailey, of Virginia, presented the name of Gen. James 
A. Walker, also of Virginia. 

This concluded the nominating speeches and the balloting was then 
commenced. 


Only one ballot was necessary as shown by the following vote : 


STATES. 

NUMBER 

DEEEGATES. 

HOBART. 

Alabama.. .. 

.22 

10 

Arkansas .. . 

.16 

10 

California. .. 

.18 

14 

Colorado.. .. 

. 8 


Connecticut. 

.12 


Delaware.. . 

.6 

6 

Florida. 

. 8 

5 

Georgia.... 

.26 

5 

Idaho. 

. 6 


Illinois. 

.48 

44 

Indiana. 

.30 

12 

Iowa. 

.26 

8 


EVANS. BUEKEEY EIPPITT WAI.KER. 

11 1 

5 1 

3 1 

12 

3 

21 

4 
16 

5 10 














PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


45 


STATES. NUMBER. 

HOBART. 

EVANS. 

delegates. 



Kansas. 

20 

20 


Kentucky. 

26 

8 

17 

Louisiana. 

16 

8 

8 

Maine. 

12 


5 

Maryland.’ . 

16 

14 

1 

Massachusetts .. . 

30 

14 

12 

Michigan. 

.28 

21 

7 

Minnesota. 

18 

6 

12 

Mississippi. 

18 

13 

5 

Missouri. 

34 

10 

23 

Montana. 

6 

1 


Nebraska. 

16 

16 


Nevada. 

6 

3 


New Hampshire.. 

. 8 

8 


New Jersey. 

20 

20 


New York. 

72 

72 


North Carolina. .. 

22 


20/2 

North Dakota .. .. 

6 

3 

3 

Ohio. 

46 

25 

15 

Oregon. 

8 

8 


Pennsylvania. 

64 

64 


Rhode Island. 

8 



South Carolina. . . 

18 

3 

15 

South Dakota .. .. 

8 

8 


Tennessee. 

24 


24 . 

Texas. 

30 

11 

12 

Utah. 

6 

5 

1 

Vermont. 

8 

8 


Virginia. 

24 



Washington. 

8 

8 


West Virginia.. .. 

12 

12 


Wisconsin. 

,24 

3 

20 

Wyoming. 

6 

6 


Arizona. 

6 

4 

1 

New Mexico. 

6 


6 

Oklahoma. 

6 

4 

2 

Indian Territory.. 

6 

6 


Dist. of Columbia. 

2 

2 


Alaska. 

4 

4 



BULKLEY. EIPPITT. 


WALKER; 


924 


533^4 277}4 


2 

1 

4 


6 


8 


24 


39 


8 


24 


Absent during- balloting-, 29. 

The scattering- vote was divided as follows: Reed, 3; Fred Grant, 
2; Senator Thurston, 2; Chauncey M. Depew, 3; Brown, 2, and Gov. 
Morton, 1. 





































46 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


Committees were then selected to notify the candidates of their 
nomination. 

The committee to inform Major McKinley was named as follows: 
Alabama, C. D. Alexander; Arkansas, Henry A. Cooper; California, 
Frank A. Miller; Connecticut, George Sykes; Delaware, Henry V. 
Morse; Florida, Dennis Eagan; Georgia, M. B. Morton; Illinois, Charles 
H. Deere; Indiana, Hiram Brownlee; Iowa, Calvin Manning; Kansas, 
Nathaniel Barnes; Kentucky, John McCartney; Maine, Geo. P. Wes- 
cott; Maryland, W. F. Airey; Massachusetts, M. H. V. Jefferson; 
Michigan, Thomas J. O’Brien; Minnesota, Monroe Nichols; Mississippi, 
W. D. Frazee; Missouri, J. B. Haughawaut; Nebraska, John T. Bress- 
ler; New Hampshire, William D. Sawyer; New Jersey, Fred W. Roeb- 
ling; New York, Frank Hiscock; North Carolina, Claude M. Benard; 
North Dakota, C. M. Johnson; Ohio, M. A. Hanna; Oregon, Charles 
Hilton; Pennsylvania, Theo. L. Flood; South Carolina, E. H. Deos; 
South Dakota, Walter E. Smead; Tennessee, Ernest Caldwell; Texas, 
J. W. Butler; Utah, L. R. Rodgers; Vermont, James W. Brock; Vir¬ 
ginia, J. S. Browning; Washington, Henry E. Wilson; West Virginia, 
W. N. Lynch; Wisconsin, M. C. Ring; Wyoming, H. H. Nickerson; 
New Mexico, Pedro Perea; Oklahoma, John A. Buckler; District of 
Columbia, Joseph R. Foltz; Alaska, C. S. Johnson. 

The committee to notify Mr. Hobart was as follows: Alabama, W. 
R. Pettiford; Arkansas, John Hadis, California, Eli Dennison; Connec¬ 
ticut, Edwin O’Keeler; Colorado, Henry A. Dupont; Florida, Dennis 
Eagan; Georgia, M. J. Doyle; Illinois, Isaac L. Edward; Indiana, Jesse 
Weick; Iowa, C. W. Junkin; Kansas, Frank Vincent; Kentucky, John 
C. White; Maine, Stanley Cueman; Maryland, W. G. Tuck; Massachu¬ 
setts, Willard J. Hale; Michigan, Gen. Russell A. Alger; Minnesota, 
A. D. Davidson; Mississippi, J. E. Ousley; Missouri, B. F. Leonard; 
Nebraska, John T. Bressler; New Hampshire, James A. Wood; 
New Jersey, W. Barbour; New York, Lispenard Stewart; North 
Carolina, J. H. Hannon; North Dakota, J. M. Devine; Ohio, 
George Kjxhutn; Oregon, Chas. W. Parrish; Pennsylvania, H. S. 
Denny; South Carolina, C. J. Pride; South Dakota, H. T. Meacham; 
Tennessee, H. C. Jarvis; Texas, J. O. Lubby; Utah, J. A. Smith; 
Vermont, Edward C. Smith; Virginia, R. T. Hubbard; Washington, 
James M. Gilbert; West Virginia, P. E. Houston; Wisconsin, Julius 
Rohrer; Wyoming, B. F. Fowler; New Mexico, Pedro Pearea; Okla¬ 
homa, William Grimes; District of Columbia, John Coyle; Alaska, C. 
W. Young. 

When the roll call for the selection of these committees was finished 
the Convention adjourned sine die. 


The Democratic National Convention. 


The sixteenth National Democratic Convention met in the city of 
Chicago, Ills., on Tuesday, July 7th, 1896. The convention was called 
to order by Chairman Wm. F. Harrity, of the National Committee, at 
12:49 p. m. Rev. Dr. Steirs, rector of Grace Episcopal Church, Chicag-o, 
made the following- prayer: 


PRAYER. 

Almig-hty God, the hearts of Thy people are lifted in gratitude to 
Thee for the manifold blessings Thou hast vouchsafed to our country 
from the dawn of its independence unto this day. We thank Thee for 
the wisdom and courag-e which enabled our fathers to build better than 
they knew; for deliverance from all dang-ers within and without our 
borders, and for our unparalleled progress in times of prosperity and 
peace. O, God of our fathers, continue to g-uide and sustain Thy child¬ 
ren. In our doubts and fears and distress we cry unto Thee for help. 
Grant us wisdom to know among- all the perplexing- problems of this 
time where lies the path of honor and safety. Help us to consider the 
vital questions which must be answered with thoroughness, patience and 
tolerance. Give us strength and courage to do what an enlightened con¬ 
science shall declare to be our duty. Inspire us with a patriotism above 
expediency. Remind us that honesty is not only the best, but the only 
policy worthy the consideration of a great people. May the hearts of 
all be filled with profound respect and sympathy for our toiling multi¬ 
tudes, oppressed with burdens too heavy for them to bear, heavier than 
we should allow them to bear. Teach us how to give them relief with¬ 
out doing violence to the rights of any. 

While we plead for ourselves we are mindful of the sorrows of 
others. May the day soon come when no power shall be permitted to 
inflict upon a brave people, indefensible, slaughter and unspeakable 
shame, when no cloud of despotism shall overhang those who sigh for 
liberty. May we ever feel the deepest sympathy for the distressed in 
the great brotherhood of mankind, and yet be able to maintain an hon¬ 
orable peace with all. 

Upon the great convention now assembled in Thy presence send 
Thy gracious blessing. May its members be inspired with the most ex¬ 
alted patriotism, seeking no private or sectional advantage, but only the 
national good, so that our united and prosperous land may continue to 
be in all that is truest and best, an inspiration to the nations of the 
earth. And to Thee, our God, shall we ascribe all the honor and glory, 
forever and forever. Amen. 



48 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


At the conclusion of the prayer Chairman Harrity stepped forward 
and announced, on behalf of the National Committee, the selection of 
Hon. David B. Hill, of New York, for temporary Chairman; Hon. 
Simon P. Sheerin, of Indiana, for temporary Secretary; Col. John I. 
Martin, of Missouri, for Sergeant-at-Arms. 

Henry C. Clayton immediately arose and presented a substitute for 
the report as follows: 


To the Democratic National Convention: 

The undersigned members of the National Committee, respectfully 
recommend that the name of the Hon. John W. Daniel, of Virginia, be 
substituted in the committee report for that of the Hon. David B. Hill, 
of New York, and that the Hon. John W. Daniel be chosen temporary 


Chairman of this Convention. 

Alabama, Henry D. Clayton. 
Arkansas, Thomas C. McRae. 
California, M. F. Tarpe}\ 
Colorado, C. S. Thomas. 
Florida, Samuel Pascoe. 
Georgia, Clark Howell. 

Idaho, S. C. Hillow. 

Kansas, C. W. Blair. 

Maine, Arthur Sewall. 
Michigan, D. J. Campbell. 
Montana, A. J. Davidson. 
Nevada, R. J. Keating-. 


(Sig-ned). 

North Carolina, F. H. Busby. 
North Dakota, W. C. Leistikow. 
South Carolina, M. E. Donalson. 
Virginia, P. J. Otey. 

Wyoming-, W. L. Keykendall. 
Dist. of Columbia, Jas. E. Norris. 
Arizona, C. M. Shannon. 

New Mexico, H. B. Ferg-uson. 
Oklahoma, T. M. Richardson. 
Utah, J. W. Burton. 

Indian Territory, R. E. Owen. 


The reading- of this substitute report was wildly cheered by the 
free silver men. 

Senator Hill, Messrs. Whitney, Sheehan and Fellows, sat tog-ether 
in the New York deleg-ation, apparently unmoved at their impending- 
defeat. As the Silverites burst forth in applause, this little g-roup 
smiled and quietly discussed the situation among- themselves. 

Mr. Clayton demanded a call of the roll on his proposition and he 
was seconded by C. S. Thomas, of Colorado. Cries for a vote were 
heard coming from various parts of the hall, and Chairman Harrity 
replied that so long as he presided over the Convention, all proceedings 
must be conducted in an orderly manner. Allen McDermott addressed 
the Convention and pleaded for Senator Hill. 

Ex-Governor Waller, of Connecticut, suggested that Mr. Hill be 
made temporary and Mr. Daniel permanent chairman. He declared that 
the names of Hill and Daniel should be cheered simultaneously. This 
brought forth applause from Mr. Whitney and the New York delega¬ 
tion. Mr. Waller wanted to know if a Democratic Convention, was 



WM. JENNINGS BRYAN, 

Democratic and Populist Candidate for President. 







51 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

going to turn down David B. Hill. There was laughter from the silver 
adherents and cries of “We are; we are.” Mr. Waller continued cm 
impassioned address and finally exclaimed: “ In God’s name is this a 
Democratic Convention? ” Ag'ain he asked if they intended to turn 
down David B. Hill, and there were heard de!ermined cries: “We will.” 
Drawing himself up, he shouted in a tone of defiance: “Very well, 
turn him down and we will fight you here and elsewhere.” 

A storm of hisses came from the silver delegates as they received 
this revelation from a speaker of the Goldites. One silver man was 
heard to shout: “One vote for McKinley.” Mr. Waller concluded With 
an appeal to the majority (Silverites) that they do not use brute force in 
forcing their issue. 

Hon. C. S. Thom, member of the National Committee from Colo¬ 
rado, then made an address in behalf of the minority report. Again 
cries of “Vote” came from all over the hall. Chairman Harrity, how¬ 
ever, recognized Hon. Chas. E. Waller, of Alabama. He made an 
impassioned address in favor of Daniel. 

Win. F. Tarpey followed in the same strain. There was a commo¬ 
tion in the vicinity of the New York delegation when John R. Fellows 
arose and made his way to the platform. He was accorded an 
enthusiastic reception compared with what other gold men had received, 
but it was not such a reception as such an old war horse in the Demo¬ 
cratic ranks as John R. Fellows was accustomed to receive. He spoke 
eloquently for his friend, Senator Hill, and evoked considerable en¬ 
thusiasm. His last sentence was: “If you must select a victim to drag 
to the altar, at least do not select one so hallowed to the people and so 
loved by the Democracy.” M r . Marsden, of Louisiana, next spoke for 
Daniel. He proceeded under great difficulty, the Convention appearing 
unwilling to hear him and manifesting their impatience by continued 
howling. He was followed by John M. Duncan, of Texas, whose 
reception was received with no more favor. He spoke for Daniel. C. 
A. Ladd, of Illinois, also made a brief speech favoring Daniel. Gen. 
J. W. St. Clair, of West Virginia, made a splendid defense of the 
majority report The gold men were aroused to the highest pitch of 
delighted enthusiasm at his eloquent words. 

Mr. Clayton, who presented the minority report, closed the debate. 
He complimented Senator Hill in glowing terms, finishing by saying- 
“I was here four years ago when the anti-Snappers were condemning 
and denouncing him. At that time I was praising him. He was my 
champion. I learned Democracy at his feet, and if he had clung to his 
Elmira doctrine in favor of free coinage he would t -day be my candidate 
for President.” The vote was then taken which resulted—in favor of 


presidential campaign, im> 


52 

the minority report, substituting 1 Daniel for Hill—556. Opposed—449. 
Not voting-—1. Hill* of New York. Senator Daniel voted for Mr. 
Hill. 

Chairman Harrity announced the vote, and Senator Jones, of 
Arkansas, R. P. Keating-, of Nevada, and Senator White were desig- 
nated to escort Mr. Daniel to the platform. As he stepped upon the 
platform he received an ovation. Chairman Harrity then said: “Gentle¬ 
men of the Convention, I have the honor of introducing-to you as your 
temporary chairman, the Hon. John W. Daniel.” Another demonstra¬ 
te followed, and Mr. Daniel then spoke as follows: 

Mr. Chairman of the National Democratic Convention: In receiving 
from your hands this g-avel as the^ temporary presiding- officer of this 
Convention, I beg- leave to express a sentiment which I am sure is unani¬ 
mous, that no .National Convention was ever presided over with more 
ability, or with more fairness than by yourself. (Cheers and cries of 
“Harrity, Harrity.”) 

I can express no better wish for myself than that I may be able in 
some feeble way to model my conduct by your model, and to practice by 
your example. (Cheers). The position, g-entlemen, to which you have 
chosen me, involves great personal honor and a keen responsibility.. 
For the honor, I thank you. The responsibility I would be wholly 
inadequate for did I depend upon myself, but your gracious aid will 
make it easy, and its burden lig-ht. That aid I confidently invoke from 
you for the sake of the great cause under whose banner we have fought 
so many battles, and which now demands of us such staunch devotion 
and such loyal service. 

I regret that my name should have been brought in even the most 
courteous and serious complication with that of my distinguished friend,, 
the great Senator from New York. (Applause). But the very fact that 
I have permitted it to be done refutes the suggestion that has been 
improvidently made of this, for neither I nor those whom I have the 
honor to represent would ever heap indignity upon that brave and illus¬ 
trious head. (Great applause). No candid man, no dispassionate 
gentleman, can ever misinterpret your meaning. The Senator from 
New York himself knows, as you know and as I know, that there is no 
personality in the preferment which has been given to me. He must 
know, and the whole country that watches these proceedings must 
know, that it is solely due to the principle that this great majority of 
Democrats stand for, and that they know that I stand with them. 
(Applause). And that it is given in the spirit of the instructions 
received by these representatives of the people, from the people, whom 
all Democrats will ever bow to as the purest and original source of 
power. But the birth of the Democratic party was coeval with the 
birth of the sovereignty of the people. It can never die until the 
Declaration of American Independence is forgotten, and that sovereignty 
is crushed out. (Great applause). 

I am happy, gentlemen, to know that as the majority in this con¬ 
vention is not personal, neither in any sense is it sectional. It blends 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


53 


the palmetto and the pines in Maine and South Carolina. It begins with 
the sunrise in Maryland and spreads into a sunburst in Louisiana and 
Texas. (Applause.) It stretches in one unbroken column across the 
American Continent from the Atlantic shores of the Old Dominion and 
Georgia and it sheds its silvery beams over the golden gates of Cali¬ 
fornia (applause); it sends forth its pioneers from Plymouth Rock and 
waves over the golden wheat fields of Dakota ; it has its strongholds in 
Alabama and Mississippi and its outposts in Minnesota, Florida and Or¬ 
egon (applause); it sticks like tar heel (applause) down in the Old 
North State, and it writes 16 to 1 on the saddlebags of the Arkansas 
Traveler. (Long applause.) 

It pours its rivulets from the mountains of West Virginia and makes 
a great lake in the West. It stands guard around the National Capitol 
in the District of Columbia (cheers), and it camps on the frontiers of 
Oklahoma. It sweeps like a prairie fire over Iowa and Kansas and puts 
up a red light on the confines of Nebraska. It marshals its massive 
battalions in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Missouri. Last, but far from 
least, when I see this grand array and think of the British gold stand¬ 
ard that was recently unfurled over the ruins of Republican promises at 
St. Louis, I think, too, of the battle of New Orleans, of which it was 
said ; “There stood John Bull in martial pomp ; but there was old Ken¬ 
tucky.” (Applause.) 

Brethren of the East, there is no South, there is no North, there is 
no West nor East in this uprising of the people for American emancipa¬ 
tion from the conspiracy of European Kings, led on by Great Britain, 
which seeks to destroy one-half of the money of the world and make 
manufacturers, merchants, farmers, &c., mere hewers of wood and draw¬ 
ers of water. 

There is one thing golden which permit me, in the same good 
humor which has characterized your conduct, to commend to you here. 
It is the golden rule, to do unto others as you would have them do unto 
you. 

Forget not the greed of devils and that an absolute aquiescence 
in the will of a majority is the vital principle of the Republic. Demo¬ 
crats as you have been, Democrats as I trust you will ever be, acquiesce 
gracefully in the will of this great majority of fellow-Democrats, and 
only ask to go with them, as they have often gone with you. ( Ap¬ 
plause.) Do not forget, gentlemen, that for thirty years we have 
supported the men you have named for President, Seymour, Greeley, 
Tilden, Hancock and twice Grover Cleveland. Do not forget that we have 
submitted cheerfully to your compromised platform and to your repeated 
pledges of bimetallism, and have patiently borne repeated disappoint¬ 
ments as to their fulfillment. Do not forget at the last National Con¬ 
vention of the Democratic party in 1892 you proclaimed yourselves then 
in favor of the use of both gold and silver as a standard money of the 
country, for the coinage of both gold and silver without discriminating 
against either metal; and that the only question left open was the ratio 
between the metals. 

Do not forget—and I refer to the fact in no inferior sense—that just 
four years ago in a Democratic Convention in this city, the New York 


54 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


delegation stood here solidly and immovably for a candidate committed 
to the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold, at a ratio of 16 to 
1. And if we are still for it, let it not be forgotten we owe it to their 
teachings. (Applause.) That we owe you much, gentlemen of the East, 
is readily acknowledged and will be ever most gratefully remembered. 
We owe you much, gentlemen of the Convention, and for what we owe 
you of the East is the Force bill, the McKinley bill and the Sherman 
law, the triple infamy of Republican legislation. The first was aimed 
not more at the South than at the great cities of the East, and chief 
among them is the great Democratic city of New York, with its mag¬ 
nificent patronage. That bill got its death blow in the Senate, but 
there was not a single Democrat in New York or New England to vote 
against it. 

If you gentlemen have helped to save the South, it also has helped 
to save you in the East; but whether the South should be saved or not, 
those great American Republican Senators from the West, Teller and 
Wolcott and your Jones and your Stanford, of California, sank their 
partisan feet on the order of their patriotism and came forward to the 
rescue of American institutions. 

No man, gentlemen, in this high noon of our country’s fraternity, 
can revive Force bills now in this reconciled and reunited Republic. Our 
opponents themselves have abandoned them. There is none that can 
stand between the union of hearts and the union of hands that Grant in 
his dying vision saw was coming on angels’ wings to all the sons of our 
common country. When Chicago dressed her Southern graves in flow¬ 
ers she buried sectionalism under a mountain of fragrance; when 
Southern soldiers yesterday cheered the wounded hero of the North in 
Richmond, the South answered back: “Let us have peace; peace, union 
and liberty, now and forever.” 

The majority of the Democratic party is not sectional, neither does 
it stand for any privileged or class legislation. The active business 
men of this country, its manufacturers, merchants, farmers of toil in 
counting-room, factory, field and mine, know that contraction of the 
currency sweeps away with the silent and resistless force of gravitation 
the annual profits of their enterprise and investments. They know, 
too, that the gold standard means contraction and the organization of 
disaster. What hope is there for the country and what hope for the 
Democracy unless the views of the majority here shall be adopted? 

Do not the people know that it was not silver legislation, but legis¬ 
lation dictated by the advocates of the gold standard, that has caused 
and now continues the financial depression? Do they not know that 
when their demands upon Democracy were complied with in 1893 and 
the Sherman law repealed without a substitute, the very Stages of the 
East that demanded it turned against the Democracy who granted it, 
and swept away their majority in a torrent of ballots? Had the silver 
men had their way then, instead of the gold monometallists, what 
storms of abuse would here to-day be emptied upon their heads; but the 
people, applying the power of memory and analysis alike to discover 
the causes of their arrested prosperity, need not go far to find them. 



ARTHUR SEWALL, 

Democratic Candidate for Vice-President. 


% 










PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


57 


They do not forget when Democracy came to power in 1893, it in¬ 
herited from its Republican predecessor the tax system and the cur¬ 
rency system of which the McKinley and Sherman law were the cul¬ 
minating atrocities. It came to power amidst a panic which fitly fol¬ 
lowed upon their enactment with strikes, lock-outs, riots and civic com¬ 
motions, while the scenes of peaceful industry in Pennsylvania had 
become military camps. Besides manifold oppressive features, the Mc¬ 
Kinley law had thrown away fifty millions of revenue derived from 
sugar under the spectral plea of a free breakfast table, and had substi¬ 
tuted bounties to sugar planters thus decreasing revenue and increasing 
expenditure, thus burning the candle at both ends and making the people 
pay at least for the alleged free breakfast. 

From the joint operations of the McKinley law, and Sherman law, 
an adverse balance of trade was forced against us in 1893, a surplus of 
one hundred millions of dollars in the Treasury was converted into a 
deficit of seventy millions in 1894, and engraved bonds prepared by a 
Republican Secretary to borrow money to support the Government, were 
the ill omens of the organized ruin that awaited the incoming Democ¬ 
racy, and a depleted Treasury. More significant still, the very authors 
of the ill-starred Sherman law makeshift, were already at confessional 
upon the stool of penitence, and were begging Democrats to help them to 
put out the conflagration of disaster that they themselves had kindled. 

So far as revenue to support the Government is concerned, the Dem¬ 
ocratic party with but a slender majority in the Senate, was not long 
providing it, and had not the Supreme Court of the United States re¬ 
versed its settled doctrine of 100 years, the income tax incorporated 
in the tariff bill, would long since have abundantly supplied it. 

Respecting finance the Republicans, Populists and Democrats, while 
differing upon almost all other subjects, had united in 1892 in declaring 
for the restoration of our American system of bimetallism. By Repub¬ 
lican and Democratic efforts alike the Sherman law was swept from the 
statute books, the eagerness to rid the country of that Republican incu¬ 
bus being so great that no prudent effort was made to provide a substi¬ 
tute. In the very act of the Sherman law repealed it was declared to be 
the policy of the United States of America to continue the use of both 
gold and silver as standard money, and to coin them into dollars of equal 
intrinsic and exchangeable values. The Republican party has now 
renounced the creed of its platform and of our National pledges and 
presented to the country the issue of higher taxes, more bonds and less 
money. It has proclaimed at last, throwing away the disguises, the 
British gold standard. 

We can only expect, should they succeed, my countrymen, a speci¬ 
men of panic and a long-protracted period of depression. Do not ask 
us, then, to join them in any of their propositions. Least of all, ask us 
not to join them upon the money question and fight a sham battle over 
settled tariff, for the money question is the paramount issue before the 
American people, and it involves true Americanism more than any econ¬ 
omic issue that was ever presented to a President at a Presidential elec¬ 
tion. The existing gold standard, whence comes the idea that we are 
upon it ? Certainly not from the last enactment of Congress on the sub- 


58 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


ject, which in repealing- the Sherman law pledg-ed the whole country to 
the continuance of the double standard ; not from any statute whatso¬ 
ever now in force in the United States. 

No; we are not upon any g-old standard, but we have a ’disordered 
and miscellaneous currency of nine varieties, three of metal and six of 
paper, the product for the most part of Republican legislation rendered 
worse by Treasury practices begun by Republican Secretaries, and 
unfortunately copied by their Democratic successors. (Applause). 
Then consider these facts, g-entlemen: The Federal, State and muni¬ 
cipal taxes in this country are assessed and paid by the standard of the 
whole mass of money in circulation. No authority has ever been 
conferred by Congress for the issue of any bonds payable in g-old, but 
distinctly refused. The specie resumption of 1875 made the surplus 
revenue in the Treasury, not g-old only, the money of redemption. 
Provision made by the Bland-Allison act of 1878 added to our circula¬ 
tion some three hundred and fifty millions of standard of our money 
or paper based upon it, but that mass of silver money is sustained at 
parity with g-old by nothing- whatever on earth but the silver in it and 
the leg-al tender functions imparted to it by law. (Applause). 

We have no outstanding- obligations in the United States except 
the small sum of forty-four millions of g-old certificates which are 
specifically payable in g-old, and they, of course, should be so paid. 
All of our specie obligations are payable in coin, which means silver or 
g-old, at the Government option, or in silver specifically and only. 
There is more silver and paper based upon silver in circulation to-day 
than there is of g-old or paper based on g*old, and that the g-old dollar 
is not the unit of value is demonstrated by the fact that no gold dollar 
pieces can now under our laws be minted. 

If we should go upon the gold standard, we must change the exist¬ 
ing bimetallism and mode of payment of all public debts, taxes and 
appropriations, saving alone those specifically payable in gold. As we 
have twenty billions of public and private debts, it would take more 
than three times all the gold in this country to pay even one year’s 
interest upon it. We should be compelled hereafter to contract the 
currency by paying off five hundred millions of greenbacks and Sher¬ 
man notes in gold, which would nearly exhaust the entire American 
stock in and out of the Treasury, and the same policy would require the 
three hundred and forty millions of silver certificates should be paid in 
gold also, as foreshadowed by the present draft upon the country’s stock 
of gold. 

This means an increase of the public debt by $500,000,000, with the 
prospect of $344,000,000 more. The disastrous consequences of such a 
policy are appalling to contemplate, and the only alternative suggested 
to fight for before the people is the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 
16 to 1. (Cheers.) And the complete restoration of our hereditary and 
constitutional system of American money. 

We pray you, no more makeshifts and straddles. Vex not th^coun- 
try with your prophecies of the smooth things to come from the British- 
Republican propaganda. (Applause.) 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


59 


The fact that the European nations are going - to the gold standard 
renders it all the more impracticable that we should do so, for the 
limited stock of gold in the world would have a longer division and a 
smaller share for each nation. Previous predictions have been punc¬ 
tually refuted when prosperity was prophesied to come upon the Union. 
The repeal of the Sherman law—instead of protecting the Treasury 
reserve, as was prophesied it would do, an unprecedented raid was 
promptly made upon it, and two hundred and sixty-two millions of bor¬ 
rowed gold have been insufficient to guarantee its security. Instead of 
causing foreign capital to flow to us, it has stimulated the flow of gold 
to Europe, and greenback notes and the Sherman notes, which are just 
as much payable in silver as in gold, have been used to dip the gold out 
of the Treasury of the United States and store it in the strong boxes of 
Europe. 

Instead of reviving business, this policy has further depressed it. 
Instead of increasing wages, this policy has further decreased them. 
Instead of multiplying opportunities for employment, this policy has 
multiplied idleness. Instead of increasing the prices of our produce, 
this policy has lowered them, and it is estimated at about fifteen per 
cent, in three years. Instead of reviving confidence, this policy has 
banished confidence. Instead of bringing relief, it has brought years 
of misery, and for this reason it has contracted the currency of the 
United States four dollars a head for every man, woman and child since 
November 1, 1893, and with this vast aggregate contraction the price 
of land and manufactured goods, and all kinds of agricultural and mer¬ 
cantile produce has fallen. 

The public revenues have fallen, wages of labor have fallen and 
everything on the face of the earth has fallen but taxes and debts, which 
have grown in burden, while on the other hand the means of their 
liquidation have been diminished. In the meantime, gentlemen, com¬ 
mercial failures have progressed with devastating effect North, South, 
East and West in this nation. The dividends on bank notes have 
shrunken. Three-fourths of the railway mileage of the United States 
is now in the hands of receivers and the country has received a shock 
from which it will take many years to recover. 

Yet, in this distressed and contracted condition, the new-fledged 
monometallists ask us to declare for a gold standard and to wait for re¬ 
lief upon some ghostly dream of an international agreement. 

But the people now too well know that the conspiracy of European 
monarchs, led by Great Britain has for its purpose to serve in the war 
upon American silver money, and stands in the way of such agreement. 
With their credit they seek to enhance the purchasing power of thous¬ 
ands and millions which is owed to them all over the world, and which 
you owe to them. They draw upon the United States of America for 
their food supplies and raw material, wheat, corn, oil, cotton, iron, lead 
and other like staples. 

And they seek to get it for the least money. Besides this, Great 
Britain has large gold mines in South Africa and South America, and 
by closing the silver mines has greatly enhanced their products 
and their values. Recent British aggression in Venezuela and in 


60 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


the settlements of South Africa was moved by the desire to possess 
more of these g-old mines, and by monopolizing- the metal as far as pos¬ 
sible to assert British commercial supremacy over the world. No na¬ 
tion calls itself free and independent that is not great enoug-h to estab¬ 
lish and maintain a financial system of its own. (Great applause.) 

To pretend that this, the foremost, richest and most powerful Na¬ 
tion of the world can not coin its own money without suing for an in¬ 
ternational agreement at the courts of European autocrats, who have 
none but primary interests to subserve, have, for many years been held 
out at every Presidential election. 

They have made use of such an agreement, and have foiled it after¬ 
wards, and we have never in our history had an international agreement 
upon a money system, and none of the founders of this Republic ever 
dreamed that such an agreement was essential. We have had three 
international conferences in order to obtain it, and to wait longer upon 
them, is to ignore the interests of our own people, and degrade our 
National dignity, and to advertise to all mankind our impotence and 
our folly. 

The concession that comes from the gold standard money of all 
Europe for the restoration of the double standard, is the only solution 
of the financial difficulties that we can find in the outlook before us. 
The declaration of the English Premier and the French Minister, and 
the Russian Government, which have recently been expressed, shows 
that if it succeeds at all it will succeed against the sinister power of 
autocrac} T which has been used against it. 

An international agreement for the restoration of the metals to an 
equality would be a boon of mankind which would enable us to regulate 
the value of money and bring the two metals upon a parity. 

Alexander Hamilton, the great Secretary of the Treasury under 
Washington, understood this question. He framed the first financial 
act of this country, which was passed in 1792, fixing the unit of our 
currency upon both metals, for a double reason—first, that to exclude 
one would reduce it to a mere merchandise, and the other, that it would 
involve the difference between a scanty and a full circulation. Thomas 
Jefferson knew this when he endorsed the work of Hamilton, and George 
Washington knew this when he declared that silver and gold are the 
legal standards, and that neither Congress nor any State has any right 
to establish any other standard or to displace this one. Gen. Grant knew 
this when he looked to silver as a resource of payment, and found, to 
his astonishment, that a Republican Congress had demonetized it, and 
that he himself as President had unwittingly signed the bill. The 
whole United States now know this, and they know also that they who 
would be free themselves must strike the blow. (Cheers.) 

The majority of this Convention, I have the honor here to represent 
it, maintain that this great American Nation with a natural base of 
fixed empire, the greatest ever established by man, with more territory 
and more productive energy than Great Britain, France and Germany 
combined, without dependence upon European Nations for anything that 
they produce, and with European Nations dependent upon much that 
we produce, is fully capable of restoring this constitutional money sys- 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


61 


tern of gold and silver at equality with each other. (Applause.) And 
as our fathers in 1776 declared our National Independence of all the 
world, so to-day has the great Democratic party, founded by Thomas 
Jefferson, the author of that declaration, appeared here in Chicago to 
declare the financial independence of the United States of all the nations 
and to invoke all true Americans to assert it by their suffrages at the 
polls, that our country may be placed where she by right belongs, as 
the freest, as the foremost, as the most prosperous and happy Nation 
that ever blessed the life of mankind upon his globe.” 

When Senator Daniels finished there were loud cries for Senator 
Hill. The Senator showed no inclination however, to respond, and sat 
quietly in his seat munching a sandwich. Senator Jones, of Arkansas 
(a Silverite), offered a resolution thanking Chairman Harrity for his 
impartial manner in presiding over the Convention. Senator White, of 
California, also offered a resolution adopting the rules of the Fifty-third 
House of Representatives to govern the Convention. Both resolutions 
were unanimously adopted. 

The roll call of States for selection of members for the various 
committees followed. The Committee on Resolutions was announced as 
follows: 


Alabama.John N. Bankhead. 

Arkansas.J. E. Jones. 

California.Stephen B. White. 

Colorado.S. B. Thomas. 

Connecticut.Line Harrison. 

Delaware.George Gray. 

Florida.R. M. Davis. 

Georgia.Evan Howell. 

Idaho.B. N. Hallard. 

Illinois.W. E. Worthington. 

Indiana.Janies McCabe. 

Iowa.J. Murphy. 

Kansas.Jas. D. McCleherty. 

Kentucky.P. W. Hardin. 

Louisiana.S. M. Robinson. 

Maine.C. V. Holman. 

Maryland.John Prentis Poe. 

Massachusetts.. . .John E. Russell. 
Michigan.. . .Thomas Q. Weadock. 
Minnesota.James E. O’Brien. 


Mississippi.J. Z. George. 

Missouri.F. M. Cockrell. 

Montana.E. D. Mott. 

Nebraska.N. S. Harwood. 


New Hampshire.. .Irvin W. Drew* 
New Jersey.. .Allen I. McDermott- 

New York.David B. Hill- 

North Carolina.. John W. Webster- 

North Dakota.W. N. Roach- 

Ohio.Allen W. Thurman- 

Oregon. .M. A. Miller- 

Pennsylvania.. .Robert E. Wright- 
South Carolina. .Benj. B. Tillman- 

South Dakota.W. B. Steele- 

Tennessee.A.. T. McNeele- 

Texas.J. N. Reagan. 

Vermont. .P. J. Farrell. 

Virginia.Carter Glass. 

Washington.R. C. McCroskey. 

Wisconsin.William F. Vilas. 

West Virginia. . .William Kincaid. 

Wyoming.William C. Bramel. 

Arizona.William B. Barnes. 

District of Columbia.. . .Robert B. 
Mattingly. 

Indian Territory.... R. L. Owens. 

New Mexico.A. A. Jones. 

Oklahoma.M. L. Bixler. 


At 4:33 p. m. Senator Jones moved that the Convention adjourn 
pnfil Wednesday, the 8th, at 10 a, m. 

























PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


62 


* 


SECOND DAY’S PROCEEDINGS. 


The second session of the Convention was called to order at 10:50 
a. m. on Wednesday, July 8th, by Chairman Daniel. It was noticed, 
after order had been secured, that the places of the New York, Massa¬ 
chusetts, Maine, Maryland and New Jersey delegations were almost 
entirely vacant. The delegates and spectators began to realize that the 
threat of a bolt by the gold men was more than a possibility. It was 
announced, however, that these delegates were in conference. 

Rev. Francis Edward Green, an Episcopal minister of Cedar Rap¬ 
ids, Iowa, invoked the Divine blessing as follows : 

PRAYER. 

We praise Thee, O Lord; we acknowledge Thee to be the Lord ; 
all the> earth does worship Thee, Father everlasting. We adore Thee as 
the King of Nations, for by Thee they are and have their being. We 
worship Thee as the God of wisdom and truth, for of Thee cometh 
every good and perfect thing. We adore Thee as the great all-father, 
for of one blood Thou hast made all peoples of the earth. Reveal Thy¬ 
self to us, we beseech Thee, alike as Creator, as Father, and as Guide. 
Rule Thou over us, for Thou art mighty. Teach us, for Thou alone 
doth know the secret things of eternity. Still the voices of our conten¬ 
tion, for.fThou alone art infinite good. Especially grant Thy blessing, 
we beseech Thee, to this great Convention, gathered together from all 
parts of our fair land. In the days that are gone Thou didst guide our 
fathers; teach us, we pray Thee, their children. 

Oh, Thou who alone canst rule the unruly wills and affections of sin¬ 
ful men, dominate our minds for good, for humanity and for God. And 
as these, Thy servants, meet for the high concerns of State, grant 
them wisdom, we beseech Thee, that that which they do may tell in the 
years to come for the advancement and the lifting up of our human 
kind. Save them from error, cleanse them from prejudice and passion, 
and may righteousness by their action triumph over wrong ; may liberty 
ever drive away oppression ; may virtue ever dominate over vice, and 
may Thy kingdom come and Thy Will be done on earth, and so may the 
great truth dominate the good of all people, the sublime philosophy 
of the Commoner of Nazareth everywhere prevail ; may Thy blessing 
be upon us and upon our children now and forever more. Amen. 

The following officers were announced, part of which had been an¬ 
nounced on the preceding day, but owing to the debate on the temporary 
Chairmanship, every other consideration was out of the question: 

With F e exception of Mr. Hill, for whom Mr. Daniel was substi¬ 
tuted, the following report of the National Committee was adopted 
unanimously: 



PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


63 




TEMPORARY ORGANIZATION. 

Temporary Chairman —Hon. David B. Hill, of New York. 

Temporary Secretary —Hon. Simon P. Sheerin, of Indiana. 

Sergeant-at-Arms —Col. John I. Martin, of Missouri. 

Officiae Stenographer —Edward B. Dickinson, of New York. 

Assistant Secretaries — Wm. D. Edwards, North Carolina; 
Leopold Strauss, Alabama; T. O. Towles, Washing-ton, D. C.; J. A. 
Hudson, Missouri; Eustace B. Grimes, Pennsylvania; Thomas P. 
Curley, New Jersey; Alfred J. Murphy, Michigan; Wm. J. Kountz, jr., 
Pennsylvania; Geo. J. Brennan, Pennsylvania; Col. A. M. Holding, 
Pennsylvania; J. M. Clancey, -. 

For Principal Reading Clerk —Hon. Jno. C. Nelson, of Indiana. 

For Assistant Reading Clerks —Charles P. Donnelly, Penn¬ 
sylvania; Virgil Rule, M. S. Gillespie, Iowa; Joseph Duese, Illinois; 

Wm. Thompson, Michigan; John Minor, -; Hon. John E. Craig, 

Iowa; Charles T. Arnett, Arkansas; J. F. Pollard, Missouri. 

Chief Page —Frank Gorman. 

There was some delay caused by the inability of the Committee on 
Credentials to report. The time was filled in by playing of bands. 
The strains of patriotic airs kept up the enthusiasm of the delegates. 
Upon motion the Convention took a recess for five minutes to allow 
ex-Governor Hogg, of Texas, to speak. Governor Hogg is a big man, 
weighing about 300 pound, and being a few inches over six feet tall. 
The Governor’s address was principally devoted to a denunciation of 
the Republican party and its platform. When he finished there were 
loud cries for Bryan, Hill, Altgeld and Blackburn. Senator White was 
now occupying the chair temporarily. Upon motion of Mr. Money, of 
Mississippi, Senator Blackburn, of Kentucky, was requested to address 
the Convention. He was received with wild cheers and great applause 
as he mounted the stage. He was soon pouring forth eloquent words 
for the white metal. His flights of oratory were truly beautiful to listen 
to, whether one believed their import or not. His concluding remarks 
were : 

“Christ with the lash drove from the temple a better set of men 
than those who for twenty years have shaped the financial policy of this 
country. 

“Be temperate, be conservative, but do not forget to gather the 
splendid fruits of the victory you have so splendidly won. You have 






64 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1869. 


captured the skirmish line, but the inner citadel still stands. Do what 
you were sent here to do, but whether you favor a gold standard or a 
double standard, let every one remember that he is a Democrat still. I 
pin my faith to the principles and loyalty of my party. 

“A new day is dawning- whose effulgence will mark the return of 
Democracy to power. I beg- you, g-entlemen, to make a platform that 
will tell the truth, and then rally as one man to vindicate its utter¬ 
ances.” 

There were about 15,000 people in the hall, all listening- intently to 
the eloquent Kentuckian. As he retired the audience broke forth in 
tumultuous applause which lasted for two minutes. 

Upon motion of Deleg-ate A. W. Hope, of Illinois, Gov. Atgeld, of 
Illinois, was asked to speak. He came to the platform amidst a storm of 
cheers from friends and admirers and hisses from his enemies. The dele¬ 
gations from the Eastern States, however, sat in silence throug-h it all. 
When Altg-eld could make his voice heard he said : “On behalf of the 
State of Illinois, I sug-g-est that this Convention give to Hon. David B. 
Hill, of New York, an opportunity to address it.” The Senator was 
not, however, in the hall. 

Ex-Gov. Overmej-er, of Kansas, was prevailed upon to address the 
Convention at this point. Gov. Altg-eld was then ag-ain called for and 
finally came reluctantly forward. His eloquent oratory swayed the audi¬ 
ence and kept the interest at fever heat. 

The next speaker was Georg-e Fred Williams, a deleg-ate from Mass¬ 
achusetts, who, as an advocate of free coinag-e of silver from a g-old sec¬ 
tion of the country, was quite a curiosity. His speech was the event 
of the day. He spoke as follows : 

*Fellow Democrats of the Union of the United States: This is not a 
sectional convention. (Applause.) The battle which is now opening 
is a battle for the restoration of the Union of the States. (Applause.) 
There has been no transfer of the seal of the Empire from the Atlantic 
to the Mississippi. (Applause.) The seat of the Empire is where it 
always has been, and I pray that it may always be in the log-g-ing- camp 
of Maine, in the tobacco fields of Virginia, the orang-e groves of 
Florida, the plantations of Louisiana; the wheat fields of the West and 
the mining camps of California. (Applause and cries of “Good! Good!”) 

I believe, fellow Democrats; that the interests of New England are rep¬ 
resented here as well as the interests of the South and West. (Applause 
and cries of “Good!”) The contest in this cause that I wish to make is 
in behalf of the honest capital of New England, and in behalf of the 
five millions of spindles that are now silent. 

We have seen the process going on, which has created the talk of 
sectionalism against which I protest. Under the existing system, which 
this convention will condemn—our customers have been ruined—the 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


65 


farmers of the West and South, (Cheers and cries of “Good! Good!”), 
then the railroads into which we have put our honest earnings have been 
ruined, and we have finally come down on our knees with you. It is to 
rescue the honest investments of every man in the United States that we 
are here to-day. (Applause.) I beg you, gentlemen, not to utter an¬ 
other word of sectionalism in this campaign. I am a fair representative 
myself of the real capitalist of New England (Applause)-—the man who 
leads a life of honest toil to make what money he can to support himself 
and those upon whom he is dependent. (At this statement Mr. Williams 
was interrupted by a widespread howl and a burst of laughter, but he 
deftly squared himself by the statement): Of course, I suppose I should 
have said those who are dependent upon him (Renewed laughter), but I 
think I may be able to show that mv proposition is not exactly absurd. 
(Applause.) I have been aware, that my capital, my honest earnings, 
have been dependent upon the railway manager and the corporation or¬ 
ganizer, and I have seen my earnings go out with the earnings of the 
people of the West into the ha'nds of dishonest capital. (Cheers.) 

The watered stock of the corporation has done as much harm to the 
East as anything else. This, g*entlemen, is not sectional, and I trust 
before this campaign is over that New England will join in this great 
movement, not to transfer the seat of Empire from one section to the 
other, but to transfer the control of the U. S. Treasury and the money 
of every man here from the magnates of Lombard street, in London, to 
the honest people of the United States.’’ 

The Committee on Credentials submitted a partial report at this 
juncture, which was adopted on motion of Mr. Atwood by a viva voce 
vote, although Ex-Governor Russell, of Massachusetts, first demanded 
a call of the roll, but later withdrew it. The bands now began playing 
popular airs. As the familiar ditty “Just Tell Them That You Saw 
Me,” was being played, the Nebraska Silverites marched in with 
their favorite, William J. Bryan, perched on their shoulders. They 
were given an ovation. At 1:36 p. m. the Convention adjourned to 
5 p. m. 


THE EVENING SESSION. 

The evening session was called to order by Chairman Daniel at 
about 5:40 p. m. 

The Committee on Credentials submitted its final report. The 
principal feature of interest in this report was the seating of four free 
silver district delegates from Michigan. Under the unit rule this 
changed the complexion of the delegation from gold to silver. 

Ex-Congressman John C. Crosby, of Massachusetts, John H. Bran- 
nan, of Wisconsin, spoke against the adoption of the report. 






66 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


F. M. Taylor, of Arkansas, and Gov. Eaurin, of Mississippi, spoke 
in favor of adopting- the report. 

A dramatic incident took place at this point. A good-looking- 
young man, with blonde mustache, stepped forward and introduced 
himself with the words, “Gentlemen, I am the man they say stole 
Michigan.” His voice rang out clearly and fearlessly. There were 
cries for his name. “Stevenson,” shouted the } 7 oung man. The young 
man pleaded his own case and was accorded round after round of 
applause. 

The next speaker to oppose the report was Ex-Lieutenant Governor 
of New York, Wm. F. Sheehan. W. J. Blake, of Texas, followed with 
an impassioned speech favoring the report. Silver Delegate McKnight, 
of Michigan, made an angry reply to Mr. Stevenson’s remarks. 

Several more speeches followed on both sides and then the voting 
was commenced. Chairman Daniels ffrst put the proposition of the 
minority to allow the gold delegates of Michigan to retain their seats. 
The call of the roll was continually interrupted with great cheering and 
yelling as the States recorded their votes, and several times w T as brought 
to a standstill because of the tremendous noise. The vote resulted in 
the defeat of the proposition: Yeas, 358; nays, 558; absent, 1; not 
voting, 3. The majority report was then adopted without division. 

Mr. Finley, of Ohio, on behalf of the Committee on Permanent 
Organization, announced the report of that Committee. Senator White, 
of Caliornia, was made Permanent President, and Thomas J. Cogan, of 
Cincinnati, Ohio, Secretary. 

Senator White, on assuming the Presidency, spoke as follows: 


SENATOR WHITE’S SPEECH. 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I will detain you with no extended 
speech. (Cheering.) I see I am getting popular already. (Laughter.) 
The Democratic party is here represented by delegates who have come 
from the Atlantic and Pacific Shores. Every State has its full quota; 
every State as far as I can bring about such a result, shall have full, 
equal, absolute and impartial treatment from this stand. (Loud cheers.) 
Every State is entitled to such treatment; every question should be con¬ 
sidered carefully and deliberately. When the voice of this Convention 
is crystallized into a judgment it should be binding upon all true Demo¬ 
crats of the Convention. (Cheers.) 

We differ, perhaps, today, upon certain vital issues, and we might 
express some feelings of bitterness in these discussions, but we submit 
to the voice and the candid judgment of our brethren, and upon that judg¬ 
ment we will certainly rely. Time passes as we stand here; it leaves 
many with unsatisfied ambition. It leaves numerous aspirations and 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


67 


hopes unrealized. Men now prominent will pass away, some to oblivion 
while they live and others because they have been summoned to another 
shore, but the Democratic darty will not die, even when we have ceased 
to live. (Loud cheers.) When the differences which challenge considera¬ 
tion to-night have passed into history, when the asperities of this hour 
no longer obtain, the Democratic party, the guardian of the people’s 
rights and the representative of the sentiments of the United States 
on the supportfof constitutional rights, will endure to bless mankind. 

My ambition or yours is of but little moment. Whether I succeed 
or you in impressing our sentiments upon this Convention is not of 
supreme importance. In this council chamber the Democratic party 
looks for an indication of its existence. The people seek here the 
righting of their wrongs and the constitution—the great charter of our 
liberties—here must find its best, its truest and its most loyal defenders. 
(Cheers.) 

No sectionalism, none whatever; equal, impartial justice to all this 
land; the triumph of the people’s cause as here exemplified and expressed, 
is the object for which we have assembled, and to carr}^ out that object 
I will consecrate my best exertions. (Applause.) 

After the presentation of a gavel made by W. A. Clark, of Mon¬ 
tana, the Convention adjourned to 9:30 July 9th. 


THIRD DAY’S PROCEEDINGS. 


There were fully 20,000 people gathered in the great Coliseum in 
Jackson Park when the doors were thrown open for the third day’s pro¬ 
ceedings of the Convention. Chairman Senator White called the 
assemblage together at 10:52 a. m. Rev. Dr. Green, of Iowa, opened 
the proceedings in the following prayer: 


PRAYER. 

We'thank Thee, Almighty God, for the blessings of another day 
that Thou hadst giv'en us. In its very beginning- we pray that we may 
be true to its responsibilities and brave for its duties. Especially grant 
Thy blessing to these, Thy servants, who face this day the g-reat 
responsibilities and duties of this Convention. As they shall make 
their declaration of principles may they set forth those truths that shall 
be founded upon the eternal principles of truth and justice and that 
may redound for the benefit of all the people and the uplifting of 
humanity. And as they shall designate him who shall be their candi¬ 
date for Chief Magistracy of this great Nation, guide Thou their minds 
and their voices. May they choose a man of clean hands and a pure 
heart, whose aims shall be his country, his God and who may live that 
mankind, by his virtues, may be lifted nearer to heaven and so may the 









08 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


angels of peace and prosperity bless this land and may Thy kingdom 
come in all our hearts through the blessed Gospel of Jesus Christ, to 
whom, with the Father and the Holy Ghost, be ascribed all glory for 
now and forever more. Amen. 

Senator White relinquished the Chair to Congressman Richardson, 
of Tennessee. The Chairman recognized Senator Jones, of Arkansas, 
Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, who presented the report of 
that Committee. The platform is as follows: 

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 

We, the Democrats of the United States, in National Convention 
assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential principles 
of justice and liberty upon which our institutions are founded, and 
which the Democratic party has advocated from Jefferson’s time to our 
own—freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, 
and the preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens 
before the law, and the faithful observance of constitutional limitations. 

During all these years the Democratic party has resisted the tend¬ 
ency of selfish interests to the centralization of Governmental power, 
and steadfastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme of govern¬ 
ment established by the founders of this Republic of Republics. Under 
its guidance and teachings the great principle of local self-government 
has found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of the 
States, and in its assertion of the necessity of confining the General 
Government to the exercise of the powers granted by the Constitution of 
the United States. 

The Constitution of the United States guarantees to every citizen 
the rights of civil and religious liberty. The Democratic party has 
always been the exponent of political liberty and religious freedom, and 
it renews its obligations and reaffirms its devotion to these fundamental 
principles of the Constitution. 

Recognizing that the money system is paramount to all others at 
this time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Constitution 
names silver and gold together as the money metals of the United 
States, and that the first coinage law passed by Congress under the Con¬ 
stitution made the silver dollar the unit of value and admitted gold to 
free coinage at a ratio measured by the silver dollar unit. 

We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the 
knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the appre¬ 
ciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the prices of commodities 
produced by the people, a heavy increase in the burden of taxation and 
of all debts, public and private; the enrichment of the money-lending 
class at home and abroad, and prostration of industries and impoverish¬ 
ment of the people. 

We are unalterably opposed to the single gold standard, which has 
locked fast the prosperity qf an industrial people'.in'the paralysis of. 


69 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

hard times. Gold monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption 
has brought other Nations into financial servitude in London. It is not 
only an un-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened on the 
United States only by the stifling of the indomitable spirit and love of 
liberty, which proclaimed our political independence in 1776, and won 
it in the War of the Revolution. 

We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver 
at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or con¬ 
sent of any other nation. 

We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be full legal tender 
equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we favor such 
legislation as will prevent the demonetization of any kind of legal 
tender money by private contract. 

We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the 
holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by 
law to the Government of redeeming such obligations in either silver 
coin or gold coin. 

We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the 
United Sates in time of peace, and condemn the trafficking with banking 
syndicates, which, in exchange for bonds, and at an enormous profit to 
themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the 
policy of gold monometallism. 

Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and Presi¬ 
dent Jackson declared that this power could not be delegated to corpora¬ 
tions or individuals. We, therefore, denounce the issuance of notes as 
money for National banks as in derogation of the constitution, and we 
demand that all paper which is made legal tender for public and private 
debts, or which is receivable for due to the United States, shall be issued 
by the Government of the the United States and shall be redeemable in 
coin. xr 

We hold that tariff duties should be levied for purposes of revenue 
and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the government 
honestly and economically administered. 

We denounce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to re¬ 
store the McKinley law, which has been twice condemned by the people 
in national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea of protec¬ 
tion to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopo¬ 
lies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, restricted trade and 
deprived the producers of the great American staples of access to their 
natural markets. 

Until the money question is settled, we are opposed to any agitation 
for further chang'es in our tariff laws, except such as are necessary to 
make up the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse decision of the 
Supreme Court on the income tax. 

There would be no deficit in Federal revenue during the last few 
years but for the annulment by the Supreme Court of a law placed upon 





70 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


the statute books by a Democratic Congress in strict pursuance of the 
uniform decisions of that Court for nearly a hundred years—that Court 
having- sustained constitutional objections to its enactment, which had 
been overruled by the ablest Judg-es who had ever sat on that bench. 

We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all the constitu¬ 
tional power which remains after that decision, or which may come from 
its reversal by the Court as it may hereafter be constituted, so that the 
burdens of taxation may be equally and impartially laid to the end that 
wealth may bear its due proportion of the expenses of the Government. 

We hold that the most efficient way of protecting- American labor is 
to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete with it in 
the home market, and that the value of the market to our American 
farmers and artisans is greatly reduced by a vicious monetary system, 
which depresses the prices of their products below the co^t of produc¬ 
tion, and thus deprives them of the means of satisfying- their needs. 

We denounce the proflig-ate waste of the money wrung- from the 
people by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of recent 
Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high, while the labor 
that pays them is unemployed and the products of the people’s toil are 
depressed in price till they no longer repay the cost of production. 

We demand a return to that simplicity and economy which best be¬ 
fits a democratic government, and a reduction of the number of useless 
offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the people. 

We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in local 
affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United States and a 
crime against free institutions, and we especially object to government 
by injunction as a new and highly dangerous form of oppression, by 
which Federal Judges, in contempt of the laws of the States and rights 
of citizens, become at once legislators, judges and executioners, and we 
approve the bill passed at the last session of the U. S. Senate and now 
pending before the House, relative to contempts in Federal Courts, and 
providing for trial by jury in certain cases of contempt. 

No discrimination should be indulged in b} T the Government of the 
United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of the refusal 
of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad funding bill 
and denounce the efforts of the present Republican Congress to enact a 
similar measure. 

Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we heartily 
endorse the rule of Commissioner Murphy that no names shall be 
arbitrarily dropped from the pension roll, and the fact of enlistment and 
service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against disease and disability 
before the enlistment. 

We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic 
struggle for liberty and independence. 

We are opposed to life tenure in the public service. We favor ap¬ 
pointments based upon merits, fixed terms of office, and such an admin- 



71 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

istration of the civil service laws as will afford equal opportunities 
to all citizens of ascertained fitness. 

We declare it to be the unwritten law of this Republic, established 
by custom and usage of one hundred years, and sanctioned by the 
examples of the greatest and wisest of those who founded and have 
maintained our Government, that no man.shall be eligible for a third 
term of the Presidential office. 

Confiding’ in the justice of our cause and necessity of its success at 
the polls, we submit the foregoing declarations of principles and pur¬ 
poses to the considerate judgment of the American people. We invite 
the support of all citizens who approve them and who desire to have 
them made effective through legislation for the relief the people, and 
the restoration of the country’s prosperity. 

When Senator Jones had finished reading the platform, a minorit}^ 
report, presented by Senator David B. Hill, was read by Mr. J. H. 
Wade, of Ohio. It was as follows: 


MINORITY REPORT. 

Sixteen delegates, constituting* the minority of the Committee on 
Resolutions, find many declarations in the report of the majority to 
which they can not give their assent. Some of these are wholly unnec¬ 
essary, some are ill considered, and ambiguous, while others are extreme 
and revolutionary of the well-recognized principles of the party. The 
minority content themselves with this g'eneral expression of their 
dissent, without going into a specific statement of these objectionable 
features of the report of the majority. 

But upon the financial question, which engages at this time the 
chief share of public attention, the views of the majority differ so 
fundamentally from what the minority regard as vital Democratic doc¬ 
trine as to demand a distinct statement of what they hold as the only 
and just and true expression of Democratic faith upon this paramount 
issue, as follows, which is offered as a substitute for the financial planks 
in the majority report: 

We declare our belief that the experiment on the part of the United 
States alone of free silver coinage and a change of the existing standard 
of values independently of the action of other gr at nations would not 
only imperil our finances, but would retard or entirely prevent the estab- 
lisment of international bimetallism, to which the efforts of the 
Government should be steadily directed. It would place this country 
at once upon a silver basis, impair contracts, disturb business, diminish 
the purchasing power of the wages of labor, and inflict irreparable evils 
upon our nation’s commerce and industry. 

Until international co-operation among leading nations for the free 
coinage of silver can be secured, we favor the rigid maintenance of the 
existing gold standard as essential to the preservation of our national 
credit, the redemption of our public pledges and the keeping inviolate 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


ffi 

of our country’s honor. We insist that all our paper and silver currency 
shall be kept absolutely at a parity with g-old. Democratic party is the 
party of hard money, and is opposed to legal tender paper money as a 
part of our permanent financial system, and we therefore favor the 
gradual retirement and cancellation of all United States notes and 
Treasury notes, under such legislative provisions as will prevent undue 
contraction. We demand that the national credit shall be resolutely 
maintained at all times and under all circumstances. 

The minority also feel that the report of the majority is defective 
in failing to make any recognition of the honesty, economy, courage 
and fidelity of the present Democratic Administration, and they there¬ 
fore offer the following declaration as an amendment to the majority 
report: 

“We commend the honor, the econoni}^ courage and fidelity of the 
present Democratic Administration.” 

SIGNERS OF THE REPORT. 

David B. Hill, New York; William F. Villas, Wisconsin; George 
Gray, Delaware ; John Prentiss Poe, Maryland ; Irving W. Drew, New 
Hampshire; C. O. Holman, Maine ; P. J. Farrell, Vermont; Lynde Har¬ 
rison, Connecticut; David F. Baker, Rhode Island ; Thos. A. C. Wead- 
ock, Michigan ; James E. O’Brien, Minnesota ; John E. Russell, Massa¬ 
chusetts ; William E. Steele, South Dakota; Allen A. McDermott, New 
Jersey ; Charles D. Rogers, Alaska. 

Senator Hill also presented amendments to the platform as follows, 
at the same time moving that they be adopted: 

“But it should be carefully provided by law at the same time that 
any change in the monetary standard should not apply to existing 
contracts. 

“Our advocacy of the independent free coinage of silver being based 
on belief that such coinage will effect and maintain a parity between 
gold and silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, we declare as a pledge of our 
sincerity that if such free coinage shall fail to effect such parity within 
one year from its enactment by law, such coinage shall thereupon be 
suspended.” 

Senator Benjamin R. Tillman of South Carolina, came forward to 
open the great discussion in advocacy of the free coinage of silver. He 
spoke as follows: 


SENATOR TILLMAN SPEAKS. 

I will begin by introducing myself to the representatives of the Democracy of the 
United States as I am and not as the lying newspapers have taught you to think me. 

It is said that truth never overtakes a lie ; but I hope when this vast assembly shali 
have dispersed to its home the many thousands of my fellow-citizens who are here will 
carry home a different opinion of the pitchfork man from South Carolina to that which 
they now hold. I come to you from the South—from the home of secession ; from the 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 78 

State where leaders of— (The rest of the sentence of the speaker was drowned by cries 
and hisses from the different portions of the house.) 

There are only three things in the world that can hiss, a goose, a serpent, a 
man. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And the man who hisses the name of South Caro¬ 
lina in this audience, if he knew anything of the history of his country, must be re¬ 
minded of the fact that in the darkest period of the revolution, when it seemed that the 
cause of liberty was hopeless, the indomitable courage of the men of that State kept 
alive the fires of liberty. I say I come here from South Carolina. I ccme at an opportune 
time. South Carolina in 1860 led the fight on the Democratic party, which resulted in its 
disruption. That disruption of that party brought about the war. The war emanci¬ 
pated the black slaves. We are here now leading a fight to emancipate the white slaves. 

And if we must meet with the conditions reversed, we are willing to see the 
Democratic party disrupted again to accomplish that result.” (Cries of “no,” mingled 
with hisses). ‘‘I do not know whether I can say whether I am a representative of the 
entire South or not.” (Cries of “No.” ‘‘I should hope not.” “Never.”) I have been 

in fourteen States since April, making the announcement of a new declaration of 
independence. 

Sixteen to 1 or bust,’ is the slogan. And I say while there is danger of the 
Democratic party again dividing, there is no danger of it surrendering its time-horored 
principles—that there is no danger of it disappearing from our politics. Seme of my 
friends from the South and elsewhere have said that the financial question is not a sec¬ 
tional issue. I say it is a sectional issue.” (This utterance of Mr. Tillman was greeted 
with such vigorous hisses that the Chair was some time in getting the Convention to 
order). 

The truth is mighty and will prevail. Facts can neither be sneered out of exist¬ 
ence nor obliterated by hisses. I say that the question is sectional, but in so far as it is 
sectional between the Eastern bosses, and not between the people of the East and the 
West and the South. I attended the National Convention in this city in 1892. Then, as 
now 7 , my State was arrayed in this cause on the side of silver. We were side by side 
with New 7 York then.” 

New York’s candidate was hissed as I have been. New York’s orator and sponsor, 
this distinguished gentleman here, was howled down. The conditions are reversed. 
Where is New 7 York’s leader ? The states which antagonized them to a man when he 
was the logical and proper candidate of Democracy are here to-day behind him.” 

At this point the speaker was interrupted by a great uproar, amid which could be dis¬ 
tinguished hisses and derisive applause and calls for Hill. The Chairman vainly pounded 
for order. Senator Tillman managed to make himself heard sufficiently to declare that 
the audience “ might just as well understand that I am going to have my say if I stand 
here until sunrise.” and then his voice was drowned by the clamor. The Sergeant-at- 
Arms announced that the Chairman directed him to clear the galleries if order was not 
preserved, but for several minutes Senator Tillman could not proceed 

Mr. President, the Senator from New York despised the President of the United 
States in 1892. He has had cause since to more than despise him But for some inscrut¬ 
able reason, although he has been betrayed in his own party, in his ow-n State, he ap¬ 
pears here as the sponsor and apologist for the Administration. This fight as to the Ad¬ 
ministration is not of my seeking. As Grover Cleveland stands for gold mono-metal¬ 
lism, and we have repudiated it (hisses) then we are asked to indorse Grover Cleveland’s 
Administration, we are asked to write ourselves down as liars. 

They w'ant us to say that he is honest, ai d they link with him all of his Cabinet in 
order to try to bolster him up The only thing that I have ever seen that smacked of 
dishonesty in his career is that he signed a contract in secret, with one of his partners as 
a witness, which gave #10,CC0,CC0 of the American people’s money to a syndicate and ap¬ 
pointed that syndicate receiver of the Government. (Applause and hisses.) They ask 
us to indorse his courage. Well, now, nobody disputes the man’s boldness and obstinacy 
(a voice, “ Especially the latter) because he had the courage to ignore his oath of cffice 
and redeem in gold paper obligations of the government which were payable in coin, 
gold and silver both, and, furthermore, he has the courage to override the Constitution of 
the United States and invade the State of Illinois with the United States army to under¬ 
take to override the rights and liberties of his fellow citizens. 

They ask us to indorse his fidelity. He has been faithful unto death, or rather unto 
the death of the Democratic party, so far as he represents it, and so followed the friends 
that he had in New York and ignored the entire balance of the Union. I came here in 


T4 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1806. 


1892 opposing Cleveland. We had denounced him in South Carolina as a tool of Wall 
street. I appear here to-day in the same attitude, and what was predicted then is history 
now. Mr. Hill appears here in the attitude of his sponsor and apologist. We of the 
South have burned our bridges as far as the Northeastern Democracy is concerned. As 
now organized, we have turned our faces to the West, asking our brethren of those States 
to unite with us in restoring the Government—the liberty of our fathers, which our 
fathers left us. The West has responded by its representatives here. 

The West, however, is in doubt whether the South can deliver its electoral vote. 
But you must get the Republican silver men in the West and the Populists in those States 
to indore your platform and your candidate, or you are beaten. If this Democratic ship 
goes to sea on storm waves without fumigating itself, with express repudiation of this 
man who has sought to destroy his party, then the Republican ship goes into port, and 
you go down in disgrace, defeated, in November. That is the situation as I see it. 

We have announced this sin in the platform without mentioning the sinner. We 
have repudiated everything that he has done, almost. Now, we are forced either to 
repudiate him and his administration, or, as I said before, we will go before the country 
stultifying ourselves. 

When he had finished, Senator Jones again came forward and said: 

Gentlemen, I will not occupy much of }^our time. I did not intend 
to open my mouth about this platform. I believe it means what it says, 
and says what it means, and did not require an explanation, and I would 
not have uttered a syllable but for the charges that have been made here 
by the distinguished Senator who has just left the platform, that this 
was a sectional question. (Applause). I am a Southern man, was 
born in the South, carried a musket as a private soldier during the war. 
There is not one thing connected with the upbuilding and good of that 
section of the country for which I am not willing to lay down my life. 
(Applause). But, above the South and above section, I love the whole 
of this great country. (Great applause). 

The great cause in which I and those who feel as I do are engaged 
in is not sectional. 

It is not confined to any one country on the face of God’s green 
earth. It is a great question, involving the interest of mankind, as we 
believe, all over the world, and when we find such men as this magnifi¬ 
cent Democrat from Maine, Arthur Sewall, when we find such men as 
George Fred Williams, from Massachusetts; when we find in every 
hamlet of this country men who believe as we believe, in the name of 
God, how can any man say the question is sectional. I and those who 
believe as I do, believe in fraternity, in liberty, in union, and we believe 
that we ought to stand together as one great people. I simply arose to 
say that as for myself, and, as I believe, for the most of those who 
agree with me, that I utterly repudiate the charge that this question is 
sectional. 

The demand for Senator Hill to speak now became irresistable. 
Amid tremendous cheering and applauding the bachelor Senator came 
forward. The demonstration accorded the New York Senator was won¬ 
derful. The great assemblage was perfectly wild and would not permit 
him to speak before they had fully vented their enthusiasm. Senator 
Hill cordially grasped the hand of the presiding officer, smiled pleas¬ 
antly on the audience and then spoke as follows; 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896, 


75 


SENATOR HILL’S SPEECH. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention .-—I do not know that it i 9 neces¬ 
sary that I should reply to the distinguished Senator from South Carolina (Senator Till¬ 
man), and I trust that in any reply I may make I shall not fail to accord to him my pro¬ 
found respect. 

I would say at the outset, I am a Democrat, but I am not a revolutionist. I will say 
further that no matter what the provocation, you cannot drive me out of the Democratic 
party. Without intending to specially reply to the remarks of the distinguished Sena¬ 
tor from South Carolina, I will only say that it was a waste of time upon his part to as¬ 
sume that we were so ignorant as not to know that it was his state that attempted to break 
up the Democratic party in 1860. (Cheers ) But that party has survived the attempts of 
every section of the country to divide it, to distract it ; it lives to-day and I hope it will 
long survive. (Great applause.) 

My mission here to-day is to unite, not to divide ; to build up, not to destroy. 
(Great and continued applause.) To plan for victory, and not to plot for defeat. (Con¬ 
tinued applause and cheers ) I know that I speak to a convention which, as now con¬ 
stituted, probably does not agree with the views of the State that I especially represent 
upon this occasion. But I know that, notwithstanding the attack which has been made 
upon that State, you will hear me for my cause. (Renewed cheering and applause.) 
New York makes no apology to South Carolina for her resolution. (Continued cheering 
and applause ) We get our Democracy from our fathers. We do not need to learn it 
from those whom my friend represents. Need I defend New York ? No ! It is not 
necessary 

Need I defend the attacks made upon her and her citizens of wealth, men of intel¬ 
ligence and character? No! It is not necessa-ry Need I remind this Democratic 
National Convention that it is in the great State of New York and in its great city that 
the wealth that he inveighs against is situated? But it is that great city that never but 
once in its history gave a Republican majority. (Great applause). 

When other cities failed to respond New York was the Gibraltar of Democracy. 
(Loud applause and cries of “Good, good.”) 

The question which this Convention is to decide is which is the best position to take 
at this time upon the financial question. In a word, the question presented is between 
international bimetallism and local bimetallism. If there be gold monometallists they 
are not represented either in the majority report or in the minority report. I, therefore, 
start out with this proposition: That the Democratic party stands to-day in favor of gold 
and silver as the money of the country. We stand in favor of the proposition of a single 
standard either of gold or silver, but we differ as to the means to bring about that result. 

Those I represent and for whom I speak—the 16 members of the minority com¬ 
mittee—insist that we should not attempt the experiment of a free and unlimited 
coinage of silver without the co-operation of other great nations. It is not a question of 
patriotism. It is not a question of courage. It is not a question of loyalty. It is not a 
question of valor. The majority platform speaks of the subject as though it was simply 
a question as to whether we were a brave enough people to enter upon this experiment. 
It is a question of business. It is a question of finance. It is a question of economics. 
It is not a question, notwithstanding, which men ever so brave can solve. 

Mr. President, I think that the safest, the best course for this Convention to have 
pursued, was to take the first step forward in the great cause of monetary reform by 
declaring in favor of international bimetallism. (Loud applause ) I am not here to 
assail the honesty or sincerity of a single man who disagrees with me. (Applause,) 
There are those around me who know that in every utterance made upon this subject I 
have treated the friends of free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 
with respect I am here to pursue that course to-day. (Applau.se ) I do not think that 
we can safely ignore the monetary systems of other great nations. It is a question about 
which honest men may differ. I believe we can not ignore the attitude of other nations 
upon this subject any more than we can their attitude upon the other questions of the 
day. 

I know it is said by enthusiastic friends that America can mark out a course to her¬ 
self I know that it appeals to the pride of the average American to say that it matters 
not what other countries may do, we can arrange this matter ourselves. But I beg to 
remind you, if that suggestion is carried out to its legitimate conclusion, you might as 


76 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


well do away with commercial treaties with other countries, you might as well do away 
with ?.ll the provisions in your tariff bills that have relation to the laws of other countries. 

I find no words in this platform in favor of the maintenance of the parity of the 
two metals. I find no suggestion of what is to be done in case the experiment fails I 
find no suggestion of how you are to brace up this new depreciated currency. Every¬ 
thing is risked upon the mere fact that it shall be given free coinage at the mints. I beg 
to call your attention to this fact that in my humble opinion the very policy condemned 
by this platform is the policy that has kept your greenback currency and your silver 
dollar at a parity with gold during the past years. We think that times and conditions 
have changed We think that you can not ignore the fact of the great production of 
silver in this country. We think that you cannot safely ignore the fact, in the prepara¬ 
tion of a financial system, that the cost of the production of silver has greatly fallen. 
Why, it is the very pregnant fact that confronts all the world in the solving of this great 
question, of the immense discovery of silver everywhere. 

The great fact confronts the world that the cost of silver production has been nearly 
reduced one-half. If the American people were brave, were courageous ; if they had the 
sj irit of 1776, as this platform says, could they, singly and alone, make-copper the equal 
of gold? Must not you take into consideration the great fact of production, the great 
fact of the lessening of the cost of production in the last 15 and 20 years? (Applause) 
If bravery, if courage, could produce these results, then you could make any metal, no 
matter what it might be, a mone}’ metal. But I tell you it is a question of economics, a 
question of business judgment ; it is not a question of finance. It is a question of re¬ 
sources. And upon that it is the judgment of the minority of the committee that the 
safest course is to take the first great step in favor of international bimetallism, and stop 
there. 

I know it will be said that in some particulars this platform agrees with our Repub¬ 
lican friends. It, to me, is neither any better nor any worse for it. I call your attention 
to the fact that your plank upon pensions, that your plank upon the Monroe doctrine, 
that your plank upon Cuba, that your plank upon territories, that your plank upon 
Alaska, that your plank upon the Civil service, are exactly like the Republican planks. 
Therefore, I do not think that that criticism will detract from the value of the suggestion. 
Mr. President, I said a few moments ago I thought the safest course for this convention 
to have pursued was simply to have said that this Government should enact a statute in 
favor of placing gold and silver alike as the currency of the country, and stop there I 
do not think, I said, and will repeat it, that is wise to hazard everything upon a single 
number. 

Let me go further. I object to various provisions of this platform, and I think if the 
wise, level-headed men, far-sighted men, such as is the distinguished Senator from Ar¬ 
kansas, who addressed you, had prevailed, that platform would have been different. (Ap¬ 
plause ) 

What was the necessity for opening up the necessity of greenback circulation ? 
What was the necessity for putting in this platform an implied pledge that this Govern¬ 
ment might issue a greenback and make it legal tender? The Democratic party is op¬ 
posed to paper money. The Democratic party, from its earliest infancy, has been in 
favor of hard money (Applause). The Democratic party thinks that the best way for 
us to do is to eliminate United States notes and Treasury notes from your currency. They 
are a drag upon your metals You have to constantly keep supplied a fund for their re¬ 
ception, unless you propose to repudiate them. Therefore, when my friend from South 
Carolina and my friend from Arkansas say that this platform says what it means and 
means what it says, I would like to have some one who follows me tell what this platform 
means upon the subject of the issue of paper money hereafter. (Applause.) 

I am not violating, I think, the secrets of the committee room, when I say that it was 
avowed that this Government might desire to pursue that course, and this is an attempt 
at this late day to commit the Democratic party to the suicidal policy of the issuing of 
paper money. (Applause and a voice, “That is the stuff.’’) You say you wanted a clear 
and distinct platform. You have not got it upon that question. It cannot be defended 
successfully. 

Another suggestion permit me to make. What was the necessity for putting into the 
platform other questions which have never been made the tests of Democratic loyalty 
heretofore? Why, we find the disputed question of the policy and constitutionality of 
an income tax. What! Has it come to this that the followers of Samuel J. Tilden (ap¬ 
plause), who during all his life was the opponent of that iniquitous scheme, which was 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 77 

• 

used against him in his old age to annoy him and harrass him and humiliate him ? Why, 
I say, should it be left to this convention to make as a tenet of Democratic faith belief in 
the propriety and constitutionality of an income tax ? Why was it wise to assail the 
Supreme Court of your country? (Applause). Will some one tell me what that clause 
means in this platform ? 

If you meant what you said, and said what you meant, will some one explain that 
provision ? (Applause.) That provision, if it means anything, means that it is the duty 
of Congress to reconstruct the Supreme Courts of the country 

It means—and it was openly avowed—it means the adding of additional members to 
it or the turning out of office and reconstructing the whole Court I said I will not follow 
any such revolutionary step as that. (Applause ) Whenever before in the history of this 
country has devotion to an income tax been made the test of Democratic loyalty? Never. 
Have you not undertaken enough, my good friends, now, without seeking to put in this 
platform these unnecessary, foolish and ridiculous things? What further have you done? 
In this platform you have declared, for the first time in the history of this country, that 
you are opposed to any life tenure whatever for office Our fathers before us, our Demo¬ 
cratic fathers, whom we revere, in the establishment of this Government gave our Court 
Judges a life tenure for office. What necessity was there for reviving this question ? 

How foolish and how unnecessary, in my opinion. Our Democrats, whose whole life 
has been devoted to the service of the party, are men whose hopes, whose ambitions 
wdiose aspirations, all lie within party lines, are to be driven out of the party upon this 
new question of life tenure for the Court Judges of our Federal Courts. 

This is a revolutionary step, this is an unwise step, this is an unprecedented step in 
our party history. 

Another question that I think w r e should have avoided, and that is : What is the 
necessity, what the propriety of taking up the vexed question of the issue of bonds for 
the preservation of the nation ? Why not have left this financial question to the free 
coinage of silver alone? What have you declared? You have renounced the gold pol¬ 
icy, and that under no circumstances shall there ever be a single bond issued in time of 
peace. 

You have not accepted anything. What does that mean ? It means the virtual re¬ 
peal of your resumption act; it means repudiation pure and simple. This statement is 
to be read, the statement is too sweeping. It has not been carefully considered. You 
even oppose Congress doing it ; you even oppose the President doing it; you oppose them 
doing it either singly or unitedly. You stand upon the broad proposition that for no pur¬ 
pose, whether to protect the currency or not—whether to preserve your national ciedit or 
for any other purpose—there shall not be a bond issue. Why, how surprising that would 
be to my Democratic associates in the Senate, w ho for the last tw r o or three years have 
introduced bill after bill for the issuing of bonds for the Nicaraguan Canal and other pur¬ 
poses (Laughter and cheering.) No, no, my friends, this platform has not been wisely 
considered 

In your zeal for monetary reform you have gone out of the true path ; you have 
turned from the true course, and in your anxiety to build up the silver currency you have 
unnecessarily put in this platform provisions which cannot stand a fair discussion. Let 
me tell you, my friends, without going into a discussion of the bond question 
proper which is somewhat foreign to this subject—let me tell you what w'ould 
be the condition of this country to-day if the President of this country, in 
the discharge of the public duty that is conferred upon him had not seen fit to 
issue bonds to protect the credit of the public. The Democratic party has passed a tariff 
bill which, unfortunately, has not produced a sufficient revenue as yet to meet the 
necessities of the Government Theie has been a deficit of about fifty millions a year. 
It is hoped that in the nea-r future this bill will produce ample revenues for the support 
of the Government, but in the meantime your greenback currency and your Treasury 
notes must be redeemed when they are presented, if you would preserve the honor and 
the credit of the nation. 

Where would your money have (ome from if your President and your Southern 
Secretary of the Treasury had not discharged their duty by the issuing of bonds to save 
the credit of the country? Let me call your attention to the figures. There has been 
issued |262,000,000 of bonds What amount of money have you in the Treasury to-day? 
Only just about that sum Where would you have obtained the means with which to redeem 
your paper money if it had not been produced by the sale of bonds? Why, my friend 
Tillman could not have money enough out of the Treasury from his salary to pay his ex- 


78 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


penses home. (Laughter and applause.) Mr. President, I reiterate to this Convention 
that this has brought into this canvass an unnecessary, a fcolish issue, which puts us on 
the defense in every school district in the State. 

I do not propose to detain you by any other criticism of this platform at this time. 
It is sufficient that you have entered upon an issue on which the Democracy is largely 
divided In addition to that you have unwisely brought into this platform other questions 
foreign to the main question, and made the support of them the test of Democracy. I 
do not think this was the course that should have been pursued. Mr. President, there is 
time enough yet to retract these false steps 

The burdens you have imposed upon us in the Eastern States in the support of this 
platform in its question relating to silver is all that can be reasonably borne. But, in 
addition to that, you have put upon us the question of the preservation of the public 
credit You have brought into it the question of the issuing of bonds. You have 
brought into it the question of the reconstruction of the Supreme Court. You have 
brought into it the question of the issuing of paper money. You have brought into it 
the great question of life tenure in office. And this platform is full of incongruous and 
absurd provisions, which are proposed to be made the test of true Democracy. (Great 
applause.) Mr. President, it is not for me to revive any question of sectionalism, and I 
shall not do it. This country is now at peace—all sections of it—and let it so remain. I 
care not from what section of the country that Democrat comes So long as he is true 
to the old fundamental principles of our fathers, I will shake him by the hand and ex¬ 
press my friendly sentiments towards him. (Great applause and cheering.) The ques¬ 
tion of sectionalism will creep in in spite of the efforts of our best men to keep it out. 
I oppose this platform because I think it makes our success more difficult. I want the 
grand old party with which I have been associated from boyhood to be—I have looked 
forward to the time when it should be securely entrenched in the affections of the Amer¬ 
ican people. I dislike the Republican party I dislike all its tenets I have no sym¬ 
pathy with its general principles, but I do think that we are here to-day making a mis¬ 
take in the venture which we are about to take. Be not deceived. Do not attempt to 
drive old Democrats out of the party (applause) that have grown gray in its service, to 
make room for a lot of Republicans and old Whigs and other Populists that will not vote 
your ticket after all. (Great applause and cheering ) 

Do not attempt to trade off the vote of little New Jersey, that never failed to give us 
its electoral vote and take the experiment of some State out West that has always given 
its vote to the Republican ticket. (Applause ) 

I tell you that no matter who your candidate may be in this Convention, with pos¬ 
sibly one exception, your Populist friends upon whom you are relying for support in the 
West and South will nominate their own ticket and your silver forces will be divided. 
Mark the prediction which I make. (Applause and cries of “No.”) 

Who are authorized to speak for the Populist party here in a Democratic Conven¬ 
tion ? (Loud applause.) I saw’upon this platform the other day an array of them, giv¬ 
ing countenance and support to this movement, men who never voted a Democratic 
ticket in their lives, and never expect to. (Applause.) 

They have orgatuzed their party. They are the men who attempted to proscribe 
Democrats all over the Union. They are the men who were crying against us in the days 
that tried men’s souls during the war. My friends, I thus speak more in sorrow than in 
anger. You know what this platform means to the East. You must realize the result. 
But calamitous as it may be to us, it will be more calamitous to you, if, after all, taking 
these risks, you do not win this fight. My friends, we want the Democratic party to 
succeed. We want to build it up. We do not want to tear it down. We want our prin¬ 
ciples—the good, old principles of Jefferson, Jackson, of Tilden, of hard money, of safe 
money. We wart no greenback currency on our plates. We v\ant no paper currency 
whatever. We want to stand by the principles under which we have won during the his¬ 
tory of this country, and made it what it is. If we keep in the good old paths of the 
party we can win If we depart from them we shall lose.” 

Senator Wm. F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, next spoke in favor of the 
rainorit}^ report. 

When Senator Vilas had concluded there were cries for Governor 
Russell, of Massachusetts. The popular young- statesman, thrice Gov- 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


79 


ernor of Massachusetts, came forward and was received with great 
applause. This is the last political speech Governor Russell ever 
delivered. After the Chicago Convention adjourned he went to Canada 
to spend a brief vacation, and a few days later was found dead one 
tnorningin his tent. This was two or three weeks after the Convention- 
The cause was apparently heart disease. 

His speech was as follows: 

GOVERNOR RUSSELL'S SPEECH. 

Mr. Chairman and Members of this Convention: I have but one 
word to say. The time is short for debate upon the merits of this issue. 
I am conscious, painfully conscious, that the mind of this Convention 
is not and has not been open to argument and reason. I know that the 
will of its great majority which sees lit to override-precedent, to trample 
down rights, to attack the sovereignty of the States, is too rigidly en¬ 
forced. I know that an appeal even will fall upon deaf ears. There is 
but one thing left to us and that the voice of protest, and that voice I 
raise, not in bitterness, not questioning the sincerity, the honesty, of 
any Democrat, that voice I utter with a feeling of sorrow, and, mark 
me, my friends, the country, our country, if not this Covention, will 
listen to our protest. 

I speak for one of the smallest States of this Union, not great in 
territory or population, not prominent in her material resources, but 
glorious in her history, great in her character, in her loyalty to truth, 
in her devotion to principle and duty and in the sacrifices she has will¬ 
ingly made for independence, liberty and our country. That state has 
taught us, her children, to place 

PRINCIPLE ABOVE EXPEDIENCY ; , 

Courage above time-serving, patriotism above party (applause) and in 
the cause of justice and of right, not to flinch, no matter how great the 
majority or however bearing may be its demands. I speak, and I have 
a right to speak, for the Democracy of my commonwealth. I have seen 
ti for a generation in darkness and defeat following steadfastly the old 
principles of an abiding faith. I felt when it was rejected and pro¬ 
scribed, it mattered not to us. We knew that its principles would tri¬ 
umph, and we lived to see the day when we planted the banner of De¬ 
mocracy for three successive years victorious in that stronghold of Re¬ 
publicanism and protection. These victories were for the great princi¬ 
ples of a national party. They were the 

ASSERTIONS OF MASSACHUSETTS 

Of the rights of the States, her protests against sectionalism, and 
against fraternal government, which either by force or by favor should 
seek to dominate a dependent people. This was, then, the Democracy 
of South Carolina and of Illinois, and bound us together from ocean to 
ocean. We did not think that we should live to see the time when these 
great Democratic principles which have triumphed over Republicanism 


80 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


should be forg-otten in a convention, and we should be invited under new 
and radical leadership to a new and a radical policy; that we should be 
asked to give up vital principles for which we have labored and suffered ; 
repudiate Democratic platforms and administrations and at the demands 
of a section urging- expediency, be asked to adopt a policy which many 
of us believes invites peril to our country and disaster to our party. In 
the debates of this convention I have heard one false note from 
the commonwealth of Massachusetts. I answer it, not in ang-er, 
but in sorrow, and I appeal to you, my associates of the Massachusetts 
deleg-ation, do I not speak the true sentiments in the Massachusetts del¬ 
egation, and answer for our party when I declare that they and we utter 
protest ag-ainst this Democratic platform? I have heard from the lips 
of some of the old leaders of our party, at whose feet we young-er men 
have loved to learn the principles of our fate, that this new doctrine 
was the brig-ht dawn of a better day. I would to God that I could be¬ 
lieve it. I have heard that Democracy was being- tied to a star, not the 
Lone Star, my Texas friends, that we gladly would welcome, but to the 
falling- star, which flashes for an instant and then g-oes out in the darkness 
of the nig-ht. No, my friends, we see not the dawn, but the darkness 
of defeat and disaster. Oh, that from this majority, with its power, 
there mig-ht come the one word of concession and conciliation. Oh, that 
from you there mig-ht be held out the olive branch of peace, under which 
all Democrats united could rally to a great victory. Mr. Chairman, I 
have finished my work of protest. Let me, following- the example of the 
Senator from South Carolina, utter my words of prophecy. When this 
storm has subsided, when the dark clouds of passion and prejudice have 
rolled away and there comes after the turmoil of this convention the 
sober second tlioug-ht of Democrats and of our people, then the protests, 
we of the minority here make, will be hailed as the Ark of the Covenant 
of the faith, where all Democrats united may g-o to fig"ht for the old 
principles and carry them to triumphant victory. 

When Gov. Russell had finished, Hon. William J. B^an, of 
Nebraska, was seen coming- forward. His reception can only be com¬ 
pared with the wonderful demonstration accorded Senator Hill. 

Mr. Bryan spoke as follows: 

SPEECH OF HON. WILLIAM J. BRYAN. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I would be presumptuous, indeed, 
to present myself against the distinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened if this 
was a mere measuring of abilities; but this is not a contest between persons. The 
humblest citizen in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger 
than all the hosts of error. I come to speak to you in defense of a cause as holy as the 
cause of liberty—the cause of humanity 

When this debate is concluded a motion will be made to lay upon the table the reso¬ 
lution offered in commendation of the administration and also the resolution offered in 
condemnation of the administration. We object to bringing this question down to the 
level of persons. The individual is but an atom; he is born, he acts, he dies; but 
principles are eternal; and this has been a contest over a principle. 

Never before in the history of this country has there been witnessed such a contest 
as that through which we have just passed Never before in the history of American 


81 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

politics has a great issue been fought out, as this issue has been, by the voters of a great 
party. On the fourth of March, 1895, a few Democrats, most of them members of Con¬ 
gress, issued an address to the Democrats of the Nation, asserting that the money ques¬ 
tion was the paramount issue of the hour; declaring that a majority of the Democratic 
party had the right to control the action of the party on this paramount issue; and con¬ 
cluding with the request that the believers in the free coinage of silver in the democratic 
paity should organize, take charge of, and control the policy of the Democratic party. 
Three months later, at Memphis, an organization was perfected, and the Silver Demo¬ 
crats went forth openly and courageously proclaiming their belief, and declaring that, 
if successful, they would crystallize into a platform the declaration which they had made. 
Then began the conflict. With a zeal approaching the zeal which inspired the crusaders 
who followed Peter the Hermit, our Silver Democrats went forth from victory unto 
victory until they are now assembled, not to discuss, not to debate, but to enter up the 
judgment already rendered by the plain people of this country. In this contest brother 
has been arrayed against brother, father against son. The warmest ties of love, acquaint¬ 
ance and association have been disregarded; old leaders have been cast aside when they 
have refused to give expression to the sentiments of those whom they would lead, and 
new leaders have sprung up to give direction to this cause of truth. Thus has the con¬ 
test been waged, and we have assembled here under as binding and solemn instructions 
as were ever imposed upon representatives of the people. 

We do not come as individuals. As individuals we might have been glad to compli¬ 
ment the gentleman from New York (Senator Hill), but we know that the people for 
whom we speak would never be willing to put him in a position where he could thwart 
the wi 1 of the Democratic party. I say it was not a question of persons; it was a ques¬ 
tion of principle, and it is not with gladness, my friends, that we find ourselves brought 
into conflict w ith those who are now arrayed on the other side. 

The gentleman who preceded me (ex-Governor Russell) spoke of the State of Massa¬ 
chusetts; let me assure him that not one present in this Convention entertains the least 
hostility to the people of the State of Massachusetts, but we stand here representing 
people who are the equals before the law of the greatest citizens in the State of Massa¬ 
chusetts. When you (turning to the gold delegates) come before us and tell us that we 
are about to disturb your business interests, we reply that you have disturbed our busi¬ 
ness interests by your courts. 

We say to you that you have made the definition of a business man too limited in 
its application. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as his 
employer ; the attorney in a country town is as much a business man as the corporation 
counsel in a great metropolis; the merchant at the cross-roads store is as much a busi¬ 
ness man as the merchant of New York ; the farmer who goes forth in the morning and 
toils all day—wdio begins in the spring and toils all summer—and who by the application 
of brain and muscle to the natural resources of the country creates wealth, is as much a 
business man as the man who goes upon the board of trade and bets upon the price of 
grain ; the miners who go down a thousand feet into the earth, or climb two thousand 
feet upon the cliffs, and bring forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be 
poured into the channels of trade are as much business men as the few financial magnates 
who, in a back room, corner the money of the world. ' We come to speak for this broader 
class of business men. 

Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon the Atlantic coast, 
but the hardy pioneers who have braved all the dangers of the wilderness, who have 
made the desert to blossom as the rose—the pioneers away out there (pointing to the 
West), who rear their children near to Nature’s heart, where they can mingle their voices 
with the voices of the birds—out there where they have erected schoolhouses for the 
education of their young, churches where they praise their Creator, and cemeteries 
where rest the ashes of their dead—these people, we say, are as deserving of the consid¬ 
eration of our party as any people in this country. It is for these that we speak. We 
do not come as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting in the de¬ 
fense of our homes, our families and posterity. We have petitioned, and our petitions 
have been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have been disregarded; we have 
begged, and they have mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; we entreat 
no more; we petition no more. We defy them. 

The gentleman from Wisconsin has said *hat he fears a Robespierre. My friends, in 
this land of the free you need not fear that a tyrant will spring up from among the peo¬ 
ple. What we need is an Andrew Jackson to stand, as Jackson stood, against the en¬ 
croachments of organized wealth. 


82 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


They tell us that this platform was made to catch votes. We reply to them that 
changing conditions make new issues; that the principles upon which Democracy rests 
are as everlasting as the hills, but that they must be applied to new conditions as they 
arise. Conditions have arisen, and we are here to meet those conditions. They tell us 
that the income tax ought not to be brought in here; that it is a new idea. They criti¬ 
cise us for our criticism of the Supreme Court of the United States. My friends, we have 
not criticised; we have simply called attention to what you already know. If you want 
criticisms, read the dissenting opinions of the court. There you will find criticisms. 
They say that we passed an unconstitutional law; we deny it. The income tax law was 
not unconstitutional when it was passed; it was not unconstitutional when it went before 
the Supreme Court for the first time; it did not become unconstitutional until one of 
the judges changed his mind The income tax is just It simply intends to put the 
burden of government justly upon the backs of the people. I am in favor of an income 
tax. When I find a man who is not willing to bear his share of the burdens of the gov¬ 
ernment which protects him, I find a man who is unworthy to enjoy the blessings of a 
government like ours. 

They say that we are opposing national bank currency; it is true, If you will read 
wliat Thomas Benton said, you will find that he said, in searching history, he could find 
but one parallel to Andrew Jackson; that was Cicero who destroyed the conspiracy of 
Cataline and saved Rome. Benton said that Cicero only did for Rome what Jackson did 
for us when he destroyed the bank conspiracy and saved America. We say in our plat¬ 
form that we believe that the right to coin and issue money is a function of government. 
We believe it. We believe that it is a part of sovereignty, and can no more with safety 
be delegated to private individuals than we could afford to delegate to private individuals 
the power to make penal statutes or levy taxes. Mr. Jefferson, who was once regarded as 
good Democratic authority, seems to have differed in opinion from the gentleman who 
has addressed us on the part of the minority Those who are opposed to this proposi¬ 
tion tell us that the issue of paper money is a function of the bank, and that the govern¬ 
ment ought to go out of the banking business I stand with Jefferson rather than with 
with them, and tell them, as he did, that the issue of money is a function of govern¬ 
ment, and that the banks ought to go out of the governing business. 

They complain about the plank which declares against life tenure in office. They 
have tried to strain it to mean that which it does not mean. What we oppose by that 
plank is the life tenure which is being built up in Washington, and which excludes from 
participation in official benefits the humbler members of society. 

Let me call your attention to two or three important things. The gentleman from 
New York says that he will propose an amendment to the platform providing that the 
proposed change in our monetary system shall not affect contracts already made. Let 
me remind you that there is no intention of affecting those contracts which, according to 
present laws, are made payable in gold, but if he means to say that we cannot change our 
monetary system without protecting those who have loaned money before the change 
was made, I desire to ask him where, in law or in morals, he can find justification for not 
protecting the debtors when the act of 1873 was passed, if he now insists that we must 
protect the creditors. 

He says he will also propose an amendment which will provide for the suspension of 
free coinage if we fail to maintain the parity within a year. We reply that when we advo¬ 
cate a policy which, we believe will be successful, we are not compelled to raise a doubt as 
to our own sincerity by suggesting what we shall do if we fail. I ask him, if he would 
apply his logic to us, why he does not apply it to himself. He says he wants this country 
to try to secure an international agreement. Why does he not tell us what he is going 
to do if he fails to secure an international agreement? There is more reason for him to 
do that than there is for us to provide against the failure to maintain the parity. Our 
opponents have tried for twenty years to secure an international agreement, and those 
are waiting for it most patiently who do not want it all 

And now, my friends, let me come to the paramount issue If they ask us why it is, 
that we say more on the money question than we say upon the tariff question, I reply that, 
if protection has slain its thousands, the gold standard has slain its tens of thousands 
If they ask us why we do not embody in our platform all the things that we believe in, we 
reply that when we have restored the money of the constitution all other necessary reforms 
will be possible ; but that until this is done there is no other reform that can be accom¬ 
plished. 

Why is it. that within three mouths such a change has come over the country ? Three 


83 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

months ago, when it was confidently asserted that those who believe in the gold stand¬ 
ard would frame our platform and nominate our candidates, even the advocates of the 
gold standard did not think that we could elect a president. And they had good reason for 
their doubt, because there is scarcely a State here to-day asking for the gold standard 
which is not in the absolute control of the Republican party. But note the change. Mr. 
McKinley was nominated at St. Louis upon a platform which declared for the mainten¬ 
ance of the gold standard until it can be changed into bimetallism by international agree¬ 
ment. Mr. McKinley was the most popular man among the Republicans, and three 
months ago everybody in the Republican party prophesied his election. How is to-day? 
Why, the man who was once pleased to think that he looked like Napoleon —that man 
shudders to-day when he remembers that he was nominated on the anniversary of the battle 
of Waterloo. Not only that, but, as he listens, he can hear with ever-increasing distinctness 
the sound of the waves as they beat on the lonely shores of St. Helena. 

Why this change? Ah, my friends, is not the reason for the change evident to any 
one who will look at the matter? No private character, however pure, no personal pop¬ 
ularity, however great, can protect from the avenging wrath of an indignant people, a 
man who will declare that he is in favor of fastening the gold standard upon this country, 
or who is willing to surrender the right of self-government and place the legislative con¬ 
trol of our affairs in the hands of foreign potentates and powers 

We go forth confident that we shall win. Why? Becayse upon the paramount Issue 
of this campaign there is not a spot of ground upon which the enemy will dare to chal¬ 
lenge battle. If they tell us that the gold standard is a good thing, we shall point to 
their platform and tell them that their platform pledges the party to get rid of the gold 
standard and substitute bimetallism. If the gold standard is a good thing, why try to 
get rid of it? I call your attention to the fact that some of the very people who are in 
this Convention to-day, and who tell us that we ought to declare in favor of international 
bimetallism—thereby declaring that the gold standard is wrong and that the principle of 
bimetallism is better—these very people four months ago were open and avowed advo¬ 
cates of the gold standard, and were then telling us that we could not legislate two 
metals together even with the aid of all the world. If the gold standard is a good thing, we 
ought to declare in favor of its retention and not in favor of abandoning it; and if the 
gold standard is a bad thing, why should we wait until other nations are willing to help 
us to let go ? Here is the line of battle, and we care not upon which issue they force 
the fight; we are prepared to meet them on either issue, or on both. If they tell us 
that the gold standard is the standard of civilization, we reply to them that this, the most 
enlightened of all the nations of the earth, has never declared for a gold standard, and 
that both the great parties this year are declaring against it? If the gold standard is the 
standard of civilization why, my friends, should we not have it! If they come to meet 
us on that issue we can present the history of our nation. More than that; we can tell 
them that they will search the pages of history in vain to find a single instance where 
the common people of any land have ever declared themseves in favor of the gold stan¬ 
dard. They can find where the holders of fixed investments have declared for a gold 
•tandard, but not where the masses have. 

Mr. Carlisle said in 1878 that this was a struggle between “the idle holders of idle 
♦apital” and “the struggling masses, who produce the wealth and pay the taxes of the 
country,” and, my friends, the question we are to decide is: Upon which side will the 
Democratic party fight, upon the side of the “idle holders of idle capital” or upon the 
side of “the struggling masses?” That is the question which the party must answer 
first, and then it must be answered by each individual hereafter. The sympathies of the 
Democratic party, as shown by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses 
who have ever been the foundation of the Democratic party There are two ideas of gov¬ 
ernment. There are those who believe that, if you will only legislate to make the well- 
to-do prosperous, their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic 
idea, however, has been that if you legislate to make the masses prosperous their pros¬ 
perity will find its way up through every class which rests upon them. 

You come to us and tell us that the great cities are in favor of. the gold standard; we 
reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and fertile prairies. Burn down your 
cities and leave our farms and your cities will spring up again as if by magic; but de¬ 
stroy our farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every city 7 in the country. ' A 

My friends, we declare that this Nation is able to legislate for its own people on 
every question, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation on earth; and 
upon that issue we expect to carry every State in the Union. I shall not slander the 


84 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


inhabitants of the fair State of Massachusetts nor the inhabitants of State of New York 
by saying that they are confronted with the proposition, they will declare 
that this nation is not able to attend to its own business. It is the issue of 1776 over 
again. Our ancestors, when but three millions in number, had the courage to declare 
their political independence of every other nation; shall we, their descendants, when 
we have grown to seventy millions, declare that we are less independent than our fore¬ 
fathers? No, my friends, that will never be the verdict of our people. Therefore, we 
care not upon what lines the battle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good, but that 
we cannot have it until other nations help us, we reply that, instead of having a gold 
standard because England has; we will restore bimetallism, and then let England have 
bimetallism because the United States has it. If they dare to come out in the open field 
and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the uttermost. Having 
behind us the producing masses of this Nation and the world, supported by the com¬ 
mercial interests, the laboring interests, and the toilers everywhere, we will answer their 
demand for a gold standard by saying to them : “You shall not press down upon the 
brow of labor this crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.” 

Senator Hill then made a formal motion for the adoption of the 
minority report. The vote resulted 303 in favor, 626 opposed. Senator 
Hill then demanded a call of States on the resolution, offered by him, 
to commend the National Democratic Administration for its economy, 
honesty, fidelity and courage. This was done and resulted in a defeat 
of the resolution by a vote of 357 yeas, 504 nays, 5 absent, 4 not voting. 

The platform was then adopted by the following vote: Yeas, 628; 
nays, 301. 

At 5 o’clock the Convention adjourned until 8 p. m. 


THE NIGHT SESSION. 

The night session began at 8:32 p. m. Nominations for candidates 
for President of the United States being in order, the roll of States 
was called. Senator Vest, of Missouri, made the first speech, placing 
in nomination Richard Parks Bland, of Missouri. Gov. Overmeyer, of 
Kansas, and John R. Williams, of Illinois, seconded the nomination in 
neat addresses. 

When the State of California was reached, Chairman W. W. Foote 
stated that the 18 votes of that State were instructed for Stephen M. 
White, but that Mr. White had forbidden the presentation of his name. 

BRYAN NAMED. 

Col. H. T. Lewis, of Georgia, spoke as follows: 

I did not intend to make a speech, but simply in behalf of the 
Democratic party of the State of Georgia to place in nomination as the 
Democratic candidate for the Presidency of the United States a dis¬ 
tinguished citizen, whose very name is an earnest of success, whose 
public record will insure Democratic victory, whose public life and public 



PRESIDENTIAL, CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


85 


record are loved and honored by the American people. Should public 
office be bestowed as a reward for public service, then no man merits 
this reward more than he. If public office is a public trust, then in no 
hands can be more safely lodged this greatest trust in the gift of the 
American people than in his. 

“In the political storms that have swept over this country he has 
stood on the field of battle among the leaders of the Democratic hosts 
like Saul among the Israelites, head and shoulders above all the rest. 
(Applause.) As Mr. Prentice said of the immortal Clay we can truth¬ 
fully say of him, “that his civil rewards will not yield in splendor to 
the brightest helmet that ever bloomed upon a warrrior’s brow.” He 
needs no speech to introduce him to this Convention. He needs no 
ecomium to commend him to the people of the United States. Honor 
him, fellow Democrats, and you will honor yourselves; nominate him, 
and you will reflect credit upon the party you represent; honor him, and 
you will win for yourselves the plaudits of your constituents and the 
blessings of posterity. I refer, fellow citizens, to Hon. Wm. J. Bryan, 
of Nebraska. 

Mr. Bryan’s nomination was seconded by Hon. T. P. Klatz, of 
North Carolina, George Fred Williams, of Massachusetts, and Thos. J. 
Kernan, of Louisiana. 

MATTHEWS. 

The name of Governor Claude Matthews, of Indiana, was presented 
by Senator Turpie, of that State. The nomination was seconded by 
Oscar A. Trippets, of California. 

BOIES. 

Hon. Frederick White, of Iowa, placed in nomination Governor 
Boies, of Iowa. The nominating address was a masterful peroration. 
A. D. Smith, of Minnesota, seconded the nomination. During the 
speech of Mr. White there was no demonstration. The delegates from 
Iowa cheered their Governor’s name, but the galleries were unmoved. 
A young woman, dressed in white, an admirer of the Governor of her 
State, became impatient at this lack of enthusiasm, and quickly mount¬ 
ing a chair she waved a small American flag. At first she was unob¬ 
served, but soon she began to cry: “Boies, Boies, Boies.” Instantly 
the great audience was afire with enthusiasm and everybody was cheer¬ 
ing and yelling. All eyes turned to the fair enthusiast. The Boies 
banner was carrie to her and placed in her hand, which she grasped 
and frantically waved. Who says a woman is not equal to an emergency? 
But for this young lady the nomination of Governor Boies would have 
been passed uncheered. The young woman was Miss Minnie Murray, 
of Nassau, Iowa. She aroused 25,000 people from a listless spirit to the 
highest pitch of excitement, 


86 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


BLACKBURN. 

Hon. John T. Rhea, of Kentucky, nominated Senator Jos. C. S. 
Blackburn, of Kentucky. The nomination was seconded by W. W. 
Foote, of California. 

RUSSKlvL. 

Massachusetts being* called, the Chairman arose and said: “By the 
unanimous vote of their Convention, the Massachusetts delegation was 
instructed to place in nomination Gov. Russell, but by his direction and 
because of the platform, we decline to make a nomination. 

m’lkan. 

Mr. A. W. Patrick, of Ohio, placed in nomination John R. McLean, 
proprietor of the Cincinnati Enquirer. 

At this point Congressman Bankhead, of Alabama, assumed the 
Chair. Joseph Bailey, of Texas, next spoke for Bland. John II. Raw¬ 
lins, of Utah, also spoke for Bland. Congressman Jones, of Virginia, 
announced that his State had decided to vote for John W. Daniel, but at 
the Senator’s earnest request would not do so. 

A few more unimportant speeches were made and at 12:30, on 
motion of Senator Jones, of Arkansas, the Convention adjourned to 
10 a. m. July 10th. 


FOURTH DAY’S PROCEEDINGS. 


The fourth day’s session was called to order at 11 a. m. by Chair¬ 
man White. 

As soon as the Convention was in order, Win. F. Harrity, of Penn¬ 
sylvania, nominated Robert E. Pattison, for President. 

Deleg-ate Miller, of Oreg-on, presented the name of Ex-Governor 
Sylvester Pennoyer, of that State. 

Then the balloting- beg-an. It required five ballots to make a 
nomination. Mr. Bland was in the lead until the fourth ballot, when 
Mr. Bryan, who had been steadily g-aining- since the balloting- com¬ 
menced, took the lead, and on the fifth ballot, amid scenes of inde¬ 
scribable confusion, was declared the nominee. Owing- to the confusion 
which reig-ned, the vote on the fifth ballot could not be recorded. The 
vote was not finished before a motion to make Mr. Bryan the nominee 
was carried with a shout. 

The Convention adjourned to 8 p. m. 




PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

EVENING SESSION. 


87 


The evening- session convened about 8:55, but on motion of Gov. 
Stone, of Missouri, was adjourned at 9:30 until 10 a. m., July 11th. 

FIFTH DAY. 


The last session of the Convention was called to order at about 11 
a. m., July 11th. Nominations for Vice-President were made as follows: 
George Fred Williams, by Mr. O. Sullivan; John R. McLean, of Ohio, 
by B. W. Mars ton, of Louisiana; James Hamilton Lewis, by Mr. Ma¬ 
loney, of Washing-ton; Judg-e Walter Clark, by Mr. Curry, of North 
Carolina; Georg-e W. Fithian, by Hon. Tom L. Johnson, of Ohio; Syl¬ 
vester Pennoyer, by a deleg-ate from that State; Arthur Sewall, of 
Maine, by Mr. Burke, of California; Jos. E. Sibley, of Pennsylvania, by 
J. D. Showalter, of Missouri; John W. Daniel, by a delegate from 
Utah. 

Declinations now came from friends of Daniel, Fithian and Mc¬ 
Lean. 

The balloting then commenced. On the fifth ballot Arthur Sewall, 
of Maine, was nominated. 

After the notification committees had been appointed to inform the 
candidates of their nomination, the Convention, at 3 p. m., adjourned 
sine die. 




National Populist Convention. 


The National Populist Convention was held in the city of St. 
Louis, in the same hall where the Republican Convention took place. 
The session began on Wednesday, July 22, 1896. 

Chairman of the National Convention Taubeneck, of Illinois, 
opened the Convention at 12:37 p. m. He announced the selection of 
Senator Marion Butler, of North Carolina, as temporary Chairman. 
Subsequently Senator Wm. Vincent Allen, of Nebraska, was made per¬ 
manent President of the Convention. 

SENATOR ALLEN’S SPEECH. 

Mr. Allen on assuming the presidency of the convention spoke in 
part, as follows: 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I beg leave to return to the Con¬ 
vention my sincere thanks for this distinguished mark of your confidence and esteem 

My fellow-citizens, if I shall be able in the discharge of the duties incumbent upon 
me as your presiding officer to satisfy you as well and discharge the duties as impartially 
and completely as your temporary Chairman did, I shall feel satisfied with myself and I 
feel confident that you will be reasonably satisfied with me. 

Let it be now understood that we are all Populists. If any delegate in this great con¬ 
vention has across his mind a suspicion that the great majority of the delegates here were 
not true Populists, let him in a spirit of charity and in vindication of the truth dissipate 
and relinquish a suspicion of that kind I read in one of the local papers, I think on 
yesterday—it would be invidious for me to call the name, but it was evidently a McKinley 
paper—a statement that the Populist Convention in this great metropolis of the Miss¬ 
issippi Valley was preparing to die I have not the slightest doubt but that the expres¬ 
sion was prompted by a desire upon the part of the British gold power and their repre¬ 
sentatives upon the Republican ticket that the Populist party would perish from the face 
of the earth, but, if the editor of that paper is in this convention to-night, if he has wit¬ 
nessed these extremes of enthusiasm, these soul-stirring scenes of patriotism, I beg him 
to materially change his opinion respecting this great party. In the Populist party we 
know no section, we know no North, no South, no East, no West. The man who lives 
on the Gulf of Mexico or in Florida is as sacred to us as the man who lives on the border 
of the British possessions, or up near the line of Canada. The man who dwells upon the 
Atlantic Ocean is loved by Populists, if he be a true patriot, as much as the patriotic 
citizen who dwells upon the shores of the Pacific Ocean I thank God that it was one of 
the missions of this great party of the people to destroy sectionalism. And as a citizen 
of the North by birth and raising, I say in this great presence I have as profound respect 
for the rights, the citizenship of the man who dwells in the South as I have for my own, 
or for my neighbors. 

i The old political parties have been gradually dropping sectionalism in this country, 
and dividing north and south of Mason and Dixon’s line. Our fellow-citizens north were 
told that all that was required for the destruction of the Union was to cause their brethren 
of toil south of Mason and Dixon’s line to come into possession of this Union. The same 
thing in substance was repeated in the other sections of our country. And all tins time, 
while we were following the banner of the Republican party on the one hand and the ban¬ 
ner of the Bourbon Democracy on the other, the gold power of Europe, represented by 



89 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

its agents in the United States, was fastening such chains of industrial slavery upon the 
people that it would take almost a generation to strike it off. It was a part of the mission 
of the Populists to free the people from these sectional prejudices with which they had 
been imbued. Now we can meet in a great convention like this, represented by some 
1,600 delegates from 45 States of the Union and the various territories, struggling and 
contending for the mastery among ourselves, and when the majority has spoken its will 
we bow to that will with a determination to carry it into execution at the polls. 

My fellow-citizens, let me say to you, and especially to those of you who are not 
Populists, it has been a common expression of our enemies that the Populist party was a 
party of anarchists. We see it in the public press in the gold bug press—in that kind of 
press which has a gold band around its neck, with a chain attached to it, and that chain 
held by Rothcliilds or their agents. We hear it upon the lips of ignorant partisans; we 
meet the expression among men who vote the Republican ticket because their fathers voted 
it a quarter of a century ago; we meet it, my fellow-citizens, here and there among both of 
the old political parties. When I first entered Congress I found it was a common thing to 
speak of the Populist p^ty as anarchists. I declare to you, my fellow citizens, as I under¬ 
stand Populism and Populistic principles, they mean a just and enlightened government, 
where there is security for both persons and property. A government where every man, 
woman and child can stand beneath the folds of the American flag and say that his, her or 
its rights are protected. If any man has entered this great convention hall who wants to 
destroy the Government and to destroy property, who is an enemy to social order, or 
who opposes wealth from those who are acquiring wealth, he is not wanted here. 

The People’s party, as I understand it, has nothing here for him. But our friends 
are getting over this somewhat now. It is not so common as it used to be to hear 
this talk about anarchy and revolution. The members of the other parties are beginning 
to recognize the inevitable. In the Senate, where we have the balance of power, it is no 
longer heard. 

In these States where we have the balance of power and carry defeaf by our vote, 
we are no longer assailed with these opprobrious epithets. On the contrary, we are ad¬ 
dressed in courteous language, and we hear the remark when an important measure is 
under consideration: 

“What will our Populist friends have? What do they think? ” My fellow-citizens, 
as we have the balance of power in the Senate, and have forced from that great body 
respectable treatment, we may as well have the balance of power between the Demo¬ 
cratic and Republican parties in this nation. It lies within our reach. Now what course 
shall we pursue ? We have, my fellow-citizens, presented to us to-day an anomalous con¬ 
dition The Republican party has declared from time to time its allegiance to bimetal¬ 
lism. In 1888 it condemned the Democratic party for the demonetization of silver. In 
1892 it declared itself in favor of bimetallism and the coinage of gold and silver upon 
terms of equality. In 1896, in this hall, if I am not mistaken, it surrendered its exist¬ 
ence, its manhood and all it held true and sacred before into the absolute control and 
keeping of the British gold power. Notwithstanding the fathers recognized gold and 
silver as money metals, notwithstanding those metals have been used for eighty years in 
this country before they were demonetized, notwithstanding the Republican party had 
declared in favor of bimetallism from that time to this, the next convention of the Re¬ 
publican party was overridden and overcome by the influences that control the conditions 
in this country. We are told that we must take the single gold standard whether we will 
or not—that we must take it with its enhanced value of 100 per cent — take it with all the 
evil consequences of the existing falling prices, and thus enforce idleness and misery 
upon many of our people. We are told that we must take it because the holders of 
American securities must have their pay in honest money. Who is the man who repre¬ 
sents this great power? The man who has declared in favor of bimetallism in Congress 
repeatedly—this modern Napoleon (laughter and applause), whose sole resemblance to 
the Napoleon whom we all know and admire is the fact that he wears a hat of the vint¬ 
age of about a hundred years. This is the man who declares that silver shall no longer 
be money of the constitution. He has declared that this demonetization would be un¬ 
just and would bring a want and misery, and yet, my fellow-citizens, because the Presi¬ 
dency was offered him at the hands of this British and American gold power he told us 
recently that the only honest money in this country is gold. My friends, they say to us 
that no nomination was brought about by the feeling that showed itself spontaneously in 
the convention which presented his name They want us to believe that the people rose 
up en masse and demanded his nomination. Did the laboring men want his nomination? 


90 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


They tell us that the laboring men and bankers agreed with manufacturers on that occa¬ 
sion. They tell us his nomination was a spontaneous uprising clear across the continent 
in favor of their nominee. Why is it ? Does any man or woman in the audience doubt 
that the gold gamblers and brokers of Wall street and of Lombard street and the high 
protectionists raised $1,000,000 to secure his nomination. The enthusiasm that was showm 
here on that occasion, my friends, was a purchased enthusiasm, such as has been said and 
felt in certain quarters in this city during the existence of this convention. 

Now, my fellow-citizens, the great Napoleon of finance, favored son of Corsica, who 
startled the world with his military genius, and who threatened to change the map of 
Europe, made two vital mistakes. He made his first mistake when he left the province 
of France and went south of the Pyrenees and over the mountains into the province of 
Spain. He made the second great mistake when he invaded Russia, and was driven from 
Moscow with his army broken, if not absolutely destroyed. What is to become of this 
simulated Napoleon—of this Napoleon of Canton, Ohio. Now, my fellow-citizens, he 
has made two mistakes, and his party has made two mistakes that were greater and more 
vital than the mistake of the real Napoleon I say he has made two greater mistakes. 
When Mr. McKinley declared that the only way the release could come to the people of 
this country was by doubling the taxes upon the articles that th<^ r consumed, that was a 
mistake. According to the logic of this modern Napoleon, when you are carrying a 
burden of 200 pounds, the way to lighten that burden is to increase it. And when you 
are paying an average tariff tax of $2 a head, the way to lighten the burden is to decrease 
the volume of money and double the volume of taxation. At that point, my fellow-citi¬ 
zens. the modern Napoleon has crossed the Pyrenees Mountains and has gone unad¬ 
visedly to the plains of Spain. He has made another mistake. It is as vital as the mis¬ 
take made by the genuine Napoleon when he invaded Moscow. When Mr. McKinley 
tells you that the high road to prosperity lies in the shrinking volume of money and the 
establishment of a gold standard, he makes a mistake. The ancient, or rather the gen¬ 
uine Napoleon, who challenges admiration notwithstanding his mistakes, made another 
mistake that cost him his life It cost him a crown and France, it cost him a crown and 
Europe, I might say. That was the mistake that he made at Waterloo when he met 
Wellington and the allied forces 

Wellington had fought but a few battles up to that time. He was comparatively un¬ 
known to the military world. He was comparatively unknown at that time. He had 
not dazzled the world with any special genius. But at Waterloo, the man who 
subsequently became the Iron Duke of England, met and overthrew the genu¬ 
ine Napoleon, who was banished to St. Helena, and there held as a prisoner, and 
his crown and country destroyed. Somewhere in this land to-day, either in the 
East or in the South or in the North, or on the great plains of the Northwest, is to 
be found a Wellington, who will overcome and overthrow this modern Napoleon in 
November. That result, gentleman of this Convention, will be the occasion of great 
importance. I realize that this party stands to-day at the most critical point it has 
reached in its history Shall it live-shall it continue? Shall the great principles of 
Populism that are as eternal as the rock of ages and as ancient as the sun, continue to 
exist? Shall they continue to exist for the protection of the American home—not only the 
home of those in a palace, but the home that is in a hovel as well? Shall the great 
principles that recognize no distinction between men and women under a just system of 
government continue? Shall this great party in its second National Convention be 
wiped out of existence? Or shall it stand as the beacon light for the liberty-loving 
people all over the face of the globe? My fellow-citizens, it must live. It will promulgate 
its platform. It will be a platform that will embrace the best Populist thought of our 
country. We may have made mistakes before; they will be corrected, whether of omission 
or commission, and we will declare to the world that this is the platform upon which we 
must succeed or fail. We will place men upon that platform as nominees for President 
and Vice President who will accept the principles. 

Take into account this one thing and it is highly important What will be the ef¬ 
fect at the election in November next if you shall put in the field a third ticket? That 
is for you to consider. That is where you should use your highest judgment and your 
greatest patriotism. I have no doubt that the fellow who stands in these lobbies at these 
times prays, if he prays properly, that something will happen to this Convention by 
which it will make a mistake. T&ke into account, my fellow-citizens, the fact, and weigh 
it well, whether we shall unite the forces of this country against plutocracy or not. Do 
you want McKinley? Do you want a rule of British gold? Do you want more of Grover 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


91 


Cleveland? Do you want $262 000,000 more of gold bonds in a time of peace? Do you 
want Grover Cleveland and McKinley to 1; ck arms and walk shoulder to shoulder in the 
interest of the money power? 

Is it not a little suspicious that Mr. Carlisle said in a letter to Mr t Foster within a 
day or <wo that if the Democratic party did not adopt the gold stan ard lie would vote the 
Republican ticket? Is it not a little suspicious when you see Carlisle and John Sherman 
together? Is it not a little it suspicious when you see the great and good Deacon Dana 
and Herr Most together upon the gold question? Is it not a little bit suspicious my 
friends when His Excel.ency Mr. Cleveland, says that, on the result of thi Convention 
he will or will n >t become a candidate for the third term? Is it not a little bit suspicious 
when the Chief Magistrate of 71,000 0 0 of people caused a letter to be written from the 
money centers of this country to the 'armers of the South and the West and he North¬ 
west threa ening them if they failed to vote .or the gold standard their supplies would 
be taken from them? 

Are you suspicious of a man who a few years ago said that gold and silver were 
money of equal value, and yet who to-day i the outspoken champion of the single gold 
standa’d, and accepts a Presidential nomination on that kind of a platform. Do you 
want McKinley, and bonds, and national bank issues, and high taxation, and gove n- 
inent by injunction? 

Do you want that or do you want an enlarged volume of money in this country by 
the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the ratio of 16 to 1? Do you want, 
my .ellow-citizens, the income tax? Do you want the man in Executive office to appoint 
a lew more shysters upon the Supreme Bench? Do you want a man who is in favor of 
lightening the burdens of taxation upon the people? Do you want a man who is in favor 
of Government ownership of railroads and telegraphs? 

If you were compelled to take your choice between one of these two men, which 
would you take? I am not the advocate of Mr Bryan here. Do you understand, fellow- 
citizens, that I am advocating any choice here for you to make? It is for you to make 
the choice and not for me. If by putting a third ticket in the field and this is one of the 
questions you must consider—you would defeat free coinage, defeat a withdrawal of 
the issue power of national banks, defeat the Government ownership of railroads and 
telephones and telegraphs, defeat the income tax and fasten gold monometallism and 
high taxation upon this people for a generation to come, which would you do? It is your 
choice to make, not mine When I go back to the splendid commonwealth that has so 
signally honored me beyond my ability, I want to be able to say to the people that these 
great doctrines we have preached for years are now made possible by your action I do 
not want them to say to me that the Populists of this country have been advocates of 
reforms when they could not be accomplished, but, when the first ray of light appeared, 
when the people are looking with expectancy and with anxiety for relief, the party was not 
equal to the occasion, it was stupid, it was blind, it “kept in the middle of the road” and 
missed the opportunity (A voice: “How about redemption?”) There is a gentleman 
who asks me something about the redemption of coin, and I am glad of it. I have had # 
a good many gentlemen come to me and ask me how about redeeming paper in coin. 
(A voice: “Tell us some thing about that, please ”) I will tell you something about it. 
And let me tell you a little wholesome truth first. There are some so-called Populists in 
this world, though not in this Convention, who would rather quarrel with one of their 
own number than unite their forces ugainst the common enemy. I know there is a 
Populist occasionally in Nebraska (they don’t exist anywhere else, of course,) who al¬ 
ways goes to the rottenest gold standard paper he can find for his information If there 
is a falsehood hurled out about a public man belonging to his party he is ready to believe 
it, and if a truth escapes the columns of these papers he doubts it. 

It has been said that I made a speech in Congress a short time ago in which I advo¬ 
cated the redemption of paper money in coin, and a great many of these good, old 
greenback brothers are a little exercised about it. If you will read the speech that took 
me fifteen hours to make, my fellow-citizens, you will see that I declared, in the 
language of Aristotle and every great philosopher since his day, That money was the 
creation of law. How many times do you want me to repeat it. 

• Whenever I am discussing some particular feature of a financial question with my 
good friend, Hill, of New York, or some other gold bug, do you want me to travel all 
over the philosophy of Populism? And if I fail to do it, are you ready to criticise me 
for it? Well, let me tell you what I think If you want to criticise me you can do so. 

I will follow my best judgment and try to meet the approval of my conscience. I de- 


92 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


clare it to-night. Take your Omaha platform, and it does not say a word about any irre¬ 
deemable currency. You gentlemen that know about this thing, do you want me 
while in Congress to commit to something that was not in the platform ? You 
are too often confronted with the vague and inconsidered utterances of public speakers 
and officers You are too frequently confronted with ill-advised bills introduced in Con¬ 
gress. You might be compelled to stand up and apologise for your party if I should go 
beyond the limits of your platform. I believe in a volume, a limited volume, of paper 
currency, of full legal tender, redeemable in nothing but the revenues of the Govern¬ 
ment.” 

The Platform adopted is as follows: 

THE POPULIST PLATFORM. 

The People’s Party, assembled in National Convention, reaffirms 
its allegiance to the principles«declared by the founders of the Republic, 
and also to the fundamental principles of just government, as enunci¬ 
ated in the platform of the party in 1892. We recognize that through 
the connivance of the present and preceding Administrations the country 
has reached a crisis in its National life as predicted in our declaration 
four years ago, and that prompt and patriotic action is the supreme 
duty of the hour. 

We realize that while we have political independence, our financial 
and industrial independence is yet to be attained by restoring to our 
country the constitutional control and exercise of the functions neces¬ 
sary to a people’s government, which functions have been basely sur¬ 
rendered by our public servants to corporate monopolies. The influence 
of European money changers has been more potent in shaping legisla¬ 
tion than the voice of the American people. Executive power and pat¬ 
ronage have been used to corrupt our Legislatures and defeat the will 
of the people, and plutocracy has been enthroned upon the ruins of 
Democracy. To restore the Government intended by the fathers and for 
the welfare and prosperity of this and future generations, we demand 
the establishment of an economic and financial system which shall make 
us masters of our own affairs and independent of European control by 
the adoption of the following; 

declaration of principles. 

1. We demand a National money, safe and sound, issued by the 
General Government only, without the intervention of banks of issue, to 
be a full legal tender for* all debts public and private, a just, equitable 
and efficient means of distribution direct to the people and through the 
lawful disbursements of the Government. 

2. We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver at the 
present ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the consent of foreign 
na ions. 

3. We demand the volume of circulating medium be speedily in¬ 
creased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of the business 
population of this country and to restore the just level of prices of labor 
and production. 

4. We denounce the sale of bonds and the incr ase of the public 
interest-bearing bond debt made by th$ present administration as UTD 

i 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


93 


necessar}^ and without authority of law, and that no more bonds be 
issued except by specific act of Congress. 

5. We demand such legal legislation as will prevent the demoneti¬ 
sation of the lawful money of the United States by private contract. 

6. We demand that the Government in payment of its obligations 
shall use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which they are to 
be paid, and we denounce the present and preceding- adminis rations for 
surrendering- this option to the holders of Government oblig-ations. 

7. We demand a graduated income tax, to the end that ag-greg-ated 
wealth shall bear its just proportion of taxation, and we denounce the 
recent decision of the Supreme Court relative to the income tax law as a 
misinterpretation of the Constitution and an invasion of the rig-htful 
powers o Congress over the subject of taxation. 

8. We demand that postal saving’s banks be established by the 
Government for the safe deposit of the saving-s of the people and to 
facilitate exchang-e. 

TRANSPORTATION. 

Transportation being- a means of exchang-e and a public necessity, 
the Government should own and operate the railroads in the interest of 
the people and on a non-partisan basis ; to the end that all may be 
accorded the same treatment in transportation and that the tyranny and 
political power now exercised by the great railroad corporations which 
result in the impairment if not the destruction of the political rights 
and personal liberties of the citizen, may be destroyed. Such owner¬ 
ship is to be accomplished gradually in a manner consistent with sound 
public policy. 

(2) . The interest of the United States in the public highways 
built with public moneys and the proceeds of extensive grants of land 
to the Pacific Railroad, should never be alienated, mortgaged or sold, 
but guarded and protected for the general welfare, as provided by the 
laws organizing such railroads. The foreclosure of existing liens of 
the United States on these roads should at once follow default in the 
payment therefor of the debt of companies, and at the foreclosure sales 
of said roads the Government shall purchase the same if it becomes 
necessary to protect its interests therein, or if they can be purchased at 
a reasonable price; and the Government shall operate said railroads as 
public highways for the benefit of the whole and not in the interest of 
the few, under suitable provisions for protection of life and property, 
giving to all transportation interests and privileges and equal rates for 
fares and freight. 

(3) . We denounce the present infamous schemes for refunding 
these debts, and demand that the laws now applicable thereto be 
executed and administered according to their true intent and spirit. 

(4) . The telegraph, like the post-office system, being a necessity 
for the transmission of news, should be owned and operated by the 
Government in the interest of the people. 

TAND. 

1. The true policy demands that the National and State legisla- 


94 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


tion shall be such as will ultimately enable every prudent and industri¬ 
ous citizen to secure a home, and therefore the land should not be mo¬ 
nopolized for speculative purposes. All lands now held by railroads 
and other corporations in excess of their actual needs should by lawful 
means be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers 
only, and private land monopoly as well as alien ownership should be 
prohibited. 

2. We condemn the frauds by which the land g'rant to the Pacific 
road companies have, through the connivance of the Interior Depart¬ 
ment, robbed multitudes of equal bona fide settlers of their homes and 
miners of their claims, and we demand legislation by Congress which 
will enforce the exemption of mineral land from such grants after, as 
well as before, patent. 

3. We demand that bona fide settlers on all public lands be granted 
free homes, as provided in the National homestead law, and that no ex¬ 
ception be made in the case of Indian reservations when opened for 
settlement, and that all lands not now patented come under this de¬ 
mand. 

DIRECT LEGISLATION. 

We favor a system of direct legislation through the initiative and 
referendum, under proper constitutional safeguards. 

• GENERAL PROPOSITIONS. 

1. We demand the election of President, Vice President and U. S. 
Senators by a direct vote of the people. 

2. We tender to the patriotic people of Cuba our deepest sympathy 
in their heroic struggle for political freedom and independence, and we 
believe the time has come when the United States, the great Republic 
of the world, should recognize that Cuba is and of right ought to be 
a free and independent State. 

3. We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of 
Columbia, and the early admission of the Territories as States. 

4. All public salaries should be made to correspond with the price 
of labor and its product. 

5. In times of great industrial depression, idle labor should be 
employed on public works as far as possible. 

6. The arbitrary course of the Courts in assuming to imprison 
citizens for indirect contempt and ruling by injunction, should be pre¬ 
vented by proper legislation. 

7. We favor just pensions for our disabled Union soldiers. 

8. Believing that the election franchise -and untrammeled ballot 
are essential to a government for and by the people, the People’s party 
condemn the wholesale system of disfranchisement adopted in some 
States as unrepublican and undemocratic, and we declare it to be the 
duty of the several State Legislatures to take such action as will secure 
a full, free and fair ballot and honest count. 

9. While the foregoing propositions constitute the platform upon 
which our party stands, and for the vindication of which its organiza¬ 
tion will be maintained, we recognize that the great and pressing issue 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


95 


of the pending- campaign, upon which the present Presidential election 
will turn, is the financial question, and upon the great and specific issue 
between the parties we cordially invite the aid and co-operation of all 
organizations of citizens agreeing- with us upon this vital question. 

When the Committee on Rules reported, the minority of the Com¬ 
mittee submitted a report providing that a candidate for Vice President 
should be nominated before a candidate for President was selected. 
This proposition was supported by those delegates of the Convention 
who styled themselves “Middle-of-the-Roaders,” an expression to indi¬ 
cate that they favored keeping their party in the middle of the road by 
nominating candidates known to be and affiliated with the Populist party. 
While many of the Middle-of-the-Roaders favored W. J. Bryan for Presi¬ 
dent, there was pronounced opposition to the indorsement of Arthur 
Sewall for Vice-President. The minority report was finallj- adopted. 

There were six candidates for Vice President as follows: Arthur 
Sewall, of Maine; Harry Skinner, of North Carolina; A. L. Numins, 
of Tennessee; Frank Burkitt, of Mississippi; Marion Page, of Vir¬ 
ginia, President of the Farmers’ Alliance of that State; Thomas K* 
Watson, of Georgia. 

WATSON NOMINATED. 

Mr. Watson was nominated on the first ballot. Thus the “Middle- 
of-the-Road” delegates won a decisive victory.* 

BRYAN FOR PRESIDENT. 

William Jennings Bryan, Democratic candidate, was also named for 
Presi .ent by the Populist party. 

-o- 

The National Silver Party Convention. 


The National Silver Party held its first National Convention in the 
city of St. Louis, Mo., July 22, 1896, at 12:29 p. m. Hon. W. P. St. 
John, a banker of N. Y., was permanent Chairman ; Charles A. Towne, 
of Minn., Vice-Chairman; R. E. Difendorfer, of Penn., Secretary. 

The Convention was in session three days, but each session was 
very brief. This was caused by the fact that the Convention was 
awaiting the action of the Populist Convention, which met at the same 
time in the same city. The principal speech of the Convention was 
that of Mr. St. John on the first day of the Convention. His speech 
was as follows : 





PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


96 


ST. JOHN’S SPEECH. 

Gentlemen of the Convention: The skill and efficiency of your labors in the past 
have been rewarded by the adoption of your demand for legislation by two great organ¬ 
izations of the people, namely, the Democratic and the People’s party. If now you are 
able to induce a coalition of these two organizations for the one purpose, the desired 
achievement on behalf of the people will ensue. 

Assuming, then, that you will prevail upon those patriots calling themselves the 
Peoples’ party to indorse the nomination of Bryan and Sewall, it is advisable to warrant 
the desirability of the end in view, it is among the first principles in finance that the 
value of each dollar expressed in prices depends upon the number of dollars in circulation. 

The plane of prices is high when the number of dollars in circulation is in proportion 
to the number of things to be exchanged by means of dollars and low when the dollars 
are proportionately few. The plane of prices at present and for some time past is and 
has been ruinously low. Our farmers all over the country have endured the depression 
in prices until they get about $8 or $>9 per acre for an expenditure of $10 per acre and the 
like. Their credit at their country store is exhausted. The country store ceases to order 
from the city merchant, the city merchant reduces his demand upon the manufacturer. 
Manufactures are curtailed. The consequence is that elements of labor are being dis¬ 
charged and wages lowered to those who continue in employment. The sufferings of the 
farmers who constitute nearly one-half of our population are thus enforced upon the city 
merchant, the manufacturer and all forms of labor. 

These combined elements constitute the overwhelming majority of voters Their 
intelligent conclusion will be felt when expressed at the polls. The banker, also, is with¬ 
out prosperity unless prosperity is general throughout the United States. He must learn 
to distinguish the cheap money and commanding a low rate of interest. The dollar 
worth two bushels of wheat is a dear dollar, and yet it commands interest in Wall street 
at present of but 2 per cent, per annum on call. 

If the dollar can be cheapened by increasing the number of dollars, so that each 
dollar will buy less wheat, the increasing price of wheat will increase the demand for 
dollars to invest in its production. Then the borrower of dollars to invest in the produc¬ 
tion of wheat, being reasonably sure of a profit from that employment of the money, 
can afford to pay interest for its use as a part of his profit; or, in other words, interest is 
a share of the profit on the employment of money, so that abundant money, money 
readily obtainable, which is to say, really cheap money is the money which commands a 
high rate of interest, a share of the profit of the borrower in using it, one or two points 
of common inquiry must be satisfied. 

The experience of Mexico is held up for our alarm. We answer first, that Mexico 
is conspicuously prosperous at present Her increase in manufacturers, railway earnings 
and the like in recent years is phenomenal. 

2. Mexico is no criterion for the United States, for she has a form of trade indebt¬ 
edness of about $2,000,000 annually in excess of her valuable exports of cotton sugar, 
coffee, hides and the like, which must be paid for in the surplus products of her mines. 
Her silver, therefore, goes abroad as merchandise and at a valuation fixed by the outside 
world. The United States, on the other hand, is a nation of 70,000.000 of people scattered 
over a territory 17 times the area of France 

The opposition threatens us with a flood of European silver upon our reopened mints. 
We answer Europe has no silver but her silver money. Her silver money values silver at 
from three to seven cents higher on the dollar than ours. Hence the European merchant or 
banker must sacrifice from 3 to 7 per cent of his full legal tender money in order to re¬ 
coin it at our mints. Europe’s silverware, like America’s silverware, carries on it the 
additional value of labor and the manufacturer’s profit. They threaten us with a flood 
of silver from the far East. We answer that the course of silver is invariably eastward, 
and never toward the West. 

They threaten us with a “sudden retirement of $600,000,000 gold, with the accom¬ 
panying panic causing contraction and commercial disaster unparalleled’’ We answer 
that our total stock of gold, other than about $10,000,000 or $15,000,000 circulating on 
the Pacific Coast, is already in retirement. Practically our gold is in the United States 
Treasury or held by banks. The gold held in the Treasury will remain there if the Sec¬ 
retary avails of his option to redeem United States notes in silver. The gold in the 
banks constitute the quiet and undisturbed portion of their reserves against their liabili¬ 
ties. It will continue to do money duty as such reserves after free coinage of .silver is 
enacted. Hence a premium on it will not contract the currency. The utmost possible 



PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 97 

contraction of the currency will be the few millions circulating on the Pacific Coast, and 
they will be retired, but slowly 

The platform adopted on the third day of the Convention is as 
follows: 

THE SILVER PLATFORM. 

The National Silver Party, in Convention assembled, hereby adopts 
the following- declaration of principles : 

1. The paramount issue at this time in the United States is indis¬ 
putably the money question. It is between the g-old standard, g-old 
bonds and bank currency, on the one side, and the bimetallic standard, 
no bonds and Government currency, on the other. 

On this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor of a distinctively 
American financial system. We are unalterably opposed to the single 
g-old standard, and demand the immediate return to the Constitution, 
the standard of g-old and silver, by the restoration by this Government, 
independently of any foreign power, of the unrestricted coinage of both 
gold and silver into standard money at the ratio of 16 to 1, and upon 
terms of exact equality, as they existed prior to 1873, the silver coin to 
be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts and dues, private 
and public, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the 
demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private contract. 

We hold that the power to hold and regulate a paper currency is 
inseparable from the power to coin money, and hence that all currency 
intended to circulate as money should be issued, and its volume con¬ 
trolled, by the general Government only, and should be legal tender. 

We are unalterably opposed to the issue by the United States of 
interest-bearing bonds in time of peace, and we denounce as a blunder 
worse than a crime the present Treasury policy, concurred in by a 
Republican House, of plunging the country into debt by the hundreds 
of millions in the vain attempt to maintain the gold standard by borrow¬ 
ing gold; and we demand the payment of all coin obligations of the 
United States as provided by existing laws, in either gold or silver coin, 
at the option of the Government, and not at the option of the creditor. 

The demonetization of silver in 1873 enormously increased the de¬ 
mand for gold, enhancing its purchasing power and lowering all prices 
measured by that standard, and since that unjust and indefensible act 
the prices of American products have fallen upon an average nearly 50 
per cent., carrying down with them proportionately the money value of 
all other forms of property. Such fall of prices has destroyed the pro¬ 
fits of legitimate industry, injuring the producer for the benefit of the 
non-producer, increasing the burden of the debtor, swelling the gains of 
the creditor, paralyzing the productive energies of the American people, 
relegating to idleness vast numbers of willing workers, sending the 
shadows of despair into the home of the honest toiler, filling the land 
with tramps and paupers and building up colossal fortunes at the money 
centers. 

In the effort to maintain the gold standard the country has within 
the last two years, in a time of profound peace and plenty, been loaded 
down with $262,01)0,000 of additional interest-bearing debt, under such 


98 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


circumstances as to allow a syndicate of native and foreign bankers to 
realize a new profit of millions on a single deal. 

It stands confessed that the gold standard can only be upheld by so 
depleting our paper currency as to force the prices of our products be¬ 
low the European, and even below the Asiatic level, and to sell in for- 
eigrn markets, thus aggravating the very evils of which our people so 
bitterly complain, degrading American labor and striking at the founda¬ 
tions of our civilization itself. 

The advocates of the gold standard persistently claim that the 
cause of our distress is overproduction—that we have produced so much 
that it has made us poor—which implies that the true remedy is to close 
the factory, abandon the farm and throw a multitude of people out of 
employment, a doctrine that leaves us unnerved and disheartened and 
absolutely without hope for the future. 

We affirm it to be unquestioned that there can be no such economical 
paradox as overproduction and at the same time tens of thousands of 
our fellow-citizens remaining half clothed and half fed, and who are 
piteously clamoring for the common necessities of life. 

2. That over and above all other questions of policy, we are in 
favor of restoring to the people of the United States the time-honored 
money of the Constitution, gold and silver—not one but both—the 
money of Washington, and Hamilton, and Jefferson, and Monroe, and 
Jackson, and Lincoln; to the end that the American people may receive 
honest pay for an honest product; that the American debtor may pay 
his just obligations in an honest standard and not in a standard that 
has appreciated 100 per cent, above all the great staples of our country; 
and to the end, further, that silver standard countries may be deprived 
of the unjust advantage they now enjoy in the difference in exchange 
between gold and silver—an advantage which the tariff legislation alone 
can not overcome. 

We, therefore, confidently appeal to the people of the United States 
to leave in abeyance for the moment all other questions, however im¬ 
portant and even momentous they may appear, to sunder if need be all 
former ties and affiliations and unite in one supreme effort to free them¬ 
selves and their children from the domination of the money power—a 
power more destructive than any which has ever been fastened upon the 
civilized men of any race or any race or in any age. And upon the 
consummation of our desires and efforts we invoke the gracious efforts 
of Divine Providence. 

Inasmuch as the patriotic majority of the Chicago Convention em¬ 
bodied in the financial plank of its platform the principles enunciated 
in the platform of the American bimetallic party, promulgated at Wash¬ 
ington, D. C., January 22, 1896, and herein reiterated, which is not only 
the paramount but the only real issue in the pending campaign, there¬ 
fore recognizing that their nominees embody these patriotic principles, 
we recommend that this Convention nominate William J. Bryan, of 
Neb., for President, and Arthur Sewall, of Maine, for Vice-President. 

The recommendations of the Platform Committee were concurred 
in, and the Democratic ticket was indorsed by the nomination of Wm. 
J. Bryan, for President, and Arthur Sewall, for Vice-President. 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


99 


Biographical Sketches of Candidates. 


william mckinley. 

William McKinley, the Republican candidate for President, was 
born in Niles, O., on January 29th, 1843. His ancestors were North of 
Ireland on his father’s side, and Scotch on his mother’s side. For 
several generations, however, his ancestors were American. McKinley 
attended school at the age of five and at seventeen was himself teaching 
at Poland, O., receiving a salary of $25 per month and board. William 
McKinley in childhood was a well behaved youth of affectionate nature 
and studious disposition, in all respects an exemplary young man. He 
was a model son of well-to-do and respected parents. 

In 1861 he entered the Union Army, full of patriotic determination 
to assist in sustaining the flag of his country. He enlisted in a com¬ 
pany of Ohio Military called the Poland Guards. This company later 
became part of Company E, Twenty-third Ohio Regiment and served 
until the close of the war. W. S. Rosecrans was Colonel of his com¬ 
pany, Stanley Matthews, Lieutenant Colonel, and Rutherford B. Hayes, 
Major. For bravery at the Battle of Antietam he was made Second 
Lieutentant. He was made Major by President Lincoln for “gallant 
and meritorious service at the battle of Opequan, Cedar Creek and 
Fisher’s Hill.” At the close of the war he studied law at Warren, O. 
In 1867 he was admitted to the bar, having graduated from the law 
school at Albany, N. Y. 

McKinley won his first suit in court, receiving a fee of $25. In 
1869 he was elected District Attorney of Starke County, Ohio, and 
served two years. On January 26th, 1871, Major McKinley was married 
to Miss Ida Saxton, the beautiful daughter of a prominent Canton 
banker. 

Through the influence of Gen. Hayes and that of his friends Major 
McKinley was nominated for Congress from his district. He was elected 
to the same position seven times, but was defeated for election the 
eighth time by only 302 votes. In the Forty-eighth Congress his op¬ 
ponent contested for his seat and was seated at the close of the session. 
During his service in Congress he served on the Committee on Revision 
of Laws, the Judiciary Committee and the Committeee on Expenditures 
in the Post Office Department. He succeeded Gen. Garfield as chair¬ 
man of the Committee on Ways and Means. McKinley was a candidate 
for Speaker of the Fifty-first Congress but was defeated by Thos. B. 
Reed. McKinley, as chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means 
of this Congress, prepared the tariff act of 1890 which bears his name. 
The bill was passed May 21st, 1890, and approved by President Harrison 
October 1st. The following month elections for the Fifty-third Con¬ 
gress took place and many Republican candidates, McKinley among 
them, were defeated. In 1891 he was the Republican candidate for 
Governor of Ohio and was elected by 21,000 plurality. In 1893 he was 
re-elected by over 80,000. 



100 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


The present indications are that he will be elected President of the 
United States in the - coming election. 

One of the grandest thing’s about McKinley is his home life. He 
lives at Canton with his wife and mother, the latter being- 78 years old. 
His tender devotion to his invalid wife and ag-ed mother has won for 
him the esteem and respect of every man, woman and child in the 
country regardless of politics. 

GARRET AUGUST HOBART. 

Garret August Hobart, the Republican nominee for Vice-President, 
was born June 3, 1844, in Monmouth County, N. J. He is the son of Addi¬ 
son W. and Sophia Hobart. His father was a school teacher but later 
became a farmer. He received his early education in the common schools 
of Newark and Paterson. At 17 he entered Rutger’s College, New 
Brunswick, where he graduated four years later with high honors. He 
studied law in the office of Socrates Tuttle, in Paterson. Three years 
later he was admitted to the bar, and soon had worked up a thriving 
practice. He was counsel of the city and county governments. He took 
an active interest in politics early in life but did not seek office until 
1873, when he was elected to the State Legislature. He was re-elected 
in 1874 and became Speaker of the Assembly by a unanimous vote of his 
colleagues. He was elected State Senator from the Paterson district in 
1875 and three years later was made President of the State Senate. 

He was the Republican nominee for U„ S. Senator in 1880 but the 
Assembly being overwhelmingly Democratic, he was defeated by Hon. 
John R. McPherson, the Democratic nominee. For twelve years Mr. 
Hobart has served as chairman of the New Jersey Republican State Ex¬ 
ecutive Committee, and has represented his State on the National Com¬ 
mittee since 1884. 

On July 20, 1866, he was united in marriage with Miss Jennie Tuttle, 
the daughter of Socrates Tuttle, in whose office Mr. Hobart formerly 
studied law. They have one son living, Garret Augustus, now 12 years 
of age. 

Mr. Hobart served as joint Receiver with Hugh McCullough, of New 
York, of the New Jersey Midland Railroad. Later the court designated 
Mr. Hobart as sole Receiver and he re-organized the road, by direction of 
the Court, under the name of the Susquehanna Western. As Receiver of 
this road Mr. Hobart had an opportunity to show his sympathy for the 
laboring class. A large amount of money was due the employes of the 
road and Mr. Hobart hired legal counsel to protect their interests against 
those of the many preferred creditors. The men, whom he had thus bene¬ 
fited, passed resolutions expressing their appreciation and thanks for 
his kind interest in their behalf. 

Mr. Hobart was appointed on Dec. 12, 1895, one of the three arbi¬ 
trators for the Joint Traffic Association liens, including thirty-two 
roads. The object of the Arbitration Commissioners is to prevent dis¬ 
crimination and protect the individual lines in all their rights. The 
arbitrators cannot, of course, have any pecuniary interest in the roads 
comprised in the Association. Objection was made to the existence of 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


101 


the board on the ground that it was contrary’ to the intent and purpose 
of the Inter-State Commerce law. Judge Wheeler, of Vermont, how¬ 
ever, decided recently that its existence was not only legal, but was 
necessary for the protection of shippers from discrimination by rebates 
and in other ways. 

Mr. Hobart has been a public figure since he was 28 years old. His 
greatest triumph in which he most delights, was his active participation 
in the State campaign in New Jersey, which resulted in the election of 
John W. Griggs, as the first Republican Governor New Jersey has had 
for thirty-two years. 

Mr. Hobart is eminently conservative and would make an able and 
dignified President of the Senate of the United States. 

WILLIAM J. BRYAN. 

William Jennings Bryan, the Democratic and Populist candidate for 
President of the United States, was born in Salem, Ill., on March 19,1860. 
His father was for a number of years Judge of the Circuit Court which 
embraced the County of Marion, and who for eight years represented 
that district in the Illinois State Senate. William Jennings Bryan was 
born on a farm. Of course, since he has achieved distinguished honors, 
it is recalled by those who profess to know, that he was a remarkably 
precocious child. It is said that in his early youth he exhibited the 
possession of wonderful oratorical accomplishments, and was barely in 
his ’teens when he was commonly called “the boy orator,” a title that 
still clings to him. 

His early education was imparted to him by his father until he was 
ten years old. He was then sent to the public schools for five years, after 
which he aLtended Whipple Academy, in Jacksonville, for two years. 
Eater he became a student in the Illinois College at Jacksonville, where 
he graduated as the valedictorian of his class in 1881. He then went to 
Chicago where he entered Union Law College. He maintained his 
support here by working as a clerk in the law office of Eyman Trumbull, 
receiving a salary of five dollars per week. His present law partner, 
Hon. A. R. Talbot, of Lincoln, Neb., was his classmate. Mr. Talbot 
states that their resources were so meager that very often their lunch 
consisted of five cents worth of crackers and apples. 

Mr. Bryan graduated in 1883, and the next four years he spent 
struggling to work up a lucrative law practice in Jacksonville. Mr. 
Talbot, his classmate, had several years previous located in Lincoln, 
Neb., and while Mr. Bryan was in the West on legal business in 1887, 
Mr. Talbot made .him an offer of partnership, which was accepted. 
Since then Mr. Bryan has lived in Lincoln. Mr. Bryan’s love for 
politics soon led him into active participation. In 1888 and 1889 he 
toured Nebraska for the Democratic ticket, and his brilliancy as an 
orator gained for him an enviable popularity. His rise in politics was 
sudden, unexpected and remarkable. His popularity had aroused the 
jealousy of the old-time Democrats who for years had dominated the 
Democracy of Nebraska. In 1890 the Democratic nomination for Con¬ 
gress in Mr. Bryan’s district was bare of candidates. J. Sterling Mor- 


102 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


ton, the present Secretary of Agriculture, had been defeated in 1888 by 
a larg-e majority, and no one seemed anxious to make the race in 1890. 
When Bryan saw he had a clear field, he soug-ht the nomination. The 
leaders, not kindly disposed to the youthful politician, thouglit they 
saw an opportunity to check the rising- fame of Bryan, by nominating- 
him in a district thoug-ht to be hopeless to the Democratic party. 
Bryan went pluckily to work to secure an election. He wrote his own 
platform, tariff for revenue only and free coinag-e of silver being- the 
predominating- issues. His first move was to challeng-e his opponent, 
Congressman W. J. Connell, to a joint debate. Contrary to Bryan’s 
expectation, the challeng-e was accepted. But Connell was not proof 
ag-ainst the mag-netic oratory of Bryan. Bryan overcame a Republican 
majority of 3,200, and carried the district by 6,800. Mr. Bryan served 
on the Ways and Means Committee in the 52nd Congress. In 1892 he 
was re-nominated. The State has been re-districted, and- Bryan’s 
district, the First, made strongly Republican. Nevertheless he defeated 
his opponent, Allen W. Field, an able lawyer of Lincoln, by a majority 
of 142. 

He declined a third nomination and has since divided his time 
between editorial work on the Omaha World-Herald, and spreading- 
silver literature througli the South and West. In appearance Mr. 
Bryan is quite a handsome man. His face is strong-, clean-cut and fine- 
lined. He has a piercing-, but kindly eye. A wide circle of baldness 
on the crown of his head is surrounded by raven black hair. He has 
an athletic form. His profile is strikingly similar to that of McKinley. 
His countenance is frank, his mouth is of unusual width, his lips thin 
and sensitive. 

Mr. Bryan early fitted himself for a Congressional career but, after 
his triumphs in Congress, he aspired to the Presidenc}r The nomina¬ 
tion came to him, however, sooner than he anticipated. 

Mr. Bryan believes that the youth of our land should take an active 
interest in the discussion of political problems, believing- that the 
country would thereby be benefitted. Mr. Bryan is a Christian man, 
having- inherited his religious trait from his father, who often inter¬ 
rupted the proceeding’s of his court to eng-age in prayer. Mr. Bryan 
does not swear or use profanity, and does not use tobacco or intoxicating- 
liquor in any form. Mr. Bryan was married in 1884 to Miss Mary 
Baird, the daughter of a merchant of Perry, Ill. They have three 
children: Ruth, ag-ed 11; William J., 6; and Grace, 5. 

Mrs. Bryan is a finely educated woman, a leader in club life in the 
city where they reside. She is thoroug-hly devoted to her husband and 
his interests. 

ARTHUR P. SEWALL. 

Arthur P. Sewall, the Democratic nominee for Vice-President, was 
born in Bath, Maine, November 25, 1835. The estate upon which he 
was born has been in the possession of the Sewall’s since 1760. His 
grandfather foug-ht in the Revolutionary War. 

Mr. Sewall was originally a ship-builder, but is now larg-ely inter¬ 
ested in banking-, railways and shipping-. Two years ag-o he retired as 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


103 


President of the Maine Central Railway, a position he held for nine 
years. He is at present President of the Bath National Bank, is inter¬ 
ested in the Bath IronWorks, and is senior member of the ship-building 
firm of Arthur Sewall & Co. He represents the State of Maine on the 
National Democratic Committee. Associated with him in business are 
his nephew Samuel S. Sewall, and his son, Wm. D. Sewall. Mr. Sewall 
has never had any serious difficulty with his laboring - men, althoug-h he 
has for years been the employer of larg-e numbers. 

In 1859, Mr. Sewall was married to Miss Emma D. Crooker, of 
Bath. They have two sons living - , Harold M. and William D. Sewall. 

The Sewalls are of an old and illustrious family on both sides of 
the water. The first American Sewall came here in 1634, and Dummes 
Sewall, the grandfather of the first ship-builder, came to Bath from 
York, which was also in the District of Maine, in 1762, when he pur¬ 
chased the tract of land on which to this day stands the Sewall yard 
and the houses of the Sewall family. In the 71 years that the Sewalls 
have been building - ships they have owned 95 ships. Arthur Sewall, 
the present head of the firm, is 61 years of age. He grew up among 
the scenes of the ship-yard and seashore, acquiring a familiarity with 
business life which has served him well, not only in that particular 
branch, but in many other lines of mercantile life. 

There is hardly a corporation in Sagadahoc County in which he is 
not a director. He is prominent in railroad circles as well as in politics, 
having been President of the Maine Central and other important roads, 
and now being* a Director in many. 

A striking fact in connection with Mr. Sewall’s nomination is that 
his son Harold is a Republican, having changed from Democrat as a 
result of what he considered the party’s failure in administration. 
Young Sewall was one of the leaders of the Reed delegations at St. 
Louis, and is one of the leaders of the “Young Republican” movement 
in Maine. 

THOMAS E. WATSON. 

Thomas E. Watson, the Populist nominee for Vice-President, was 
born in 1856 in Columbia County, Georgia. He acquired the common 
schooling that could be had in the days during and just after the Civil 
War, a schooling which was necessarily very imperfect. From there he 
was sent to the Mercer University at Macon but left at the end of the 
Sophomore year for lack of money to continue. 

During the next ten years he taught school, and studied law by 
himself. He acquired his only legal training in a law office in Augusta, 
lasting only a few weeks when he was admitted to the bar. He began 
the practice of law at twenty. He was enterprising and ambitious, and 
soon turned to politics. At twenty-six he was a member of the Legisla¬ 
ture of Georgia. At twenty-eight a Presidential elector on the Demo¬ 
cratic ticket. At thirty-four, in 1892, he was a member of Congress. 
He was the regular Democratic candidate, and defeated his Republican 
opponent by 5,457 to 397. Soon after taking his seat he attracted great 
attention by seceding from his party, refusing to enter its caucus, and 
becoming the Populist candidate for Speaker, receiving the ten Popu- 


104 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


list votes. He became notorious by liis reckless assaults upon the House, 
and especially of the Southern Democrats. He accused a member of the 
House of being' drunk, who helplessly asked, during* a weighty discuss¬ 
ion: “Mr. Speaker, where am I at?” The charge was investigated but 
not sustained. Watson reiterated it and also charg-ed it against other 
members, and, during" the summer of 1892, set forth his various charges 
ag'ainst the House in a pamphlet, “The People’s Party Campaigm Book.” 
A Southern Democrat called the attention of the House to these charg'es; 
they were investigated and reported to be false and libelous. Watson 
made a profession of impenitence before the House. At the next elec¬ 
tion another Democrat was arrayed ag'ainst him and defeated him by 
17,772 to 12,332. In 1894 Watson was ag-ain a candidate but his oppo¬ 
nent won by even a larger majority than before. Watson charged 
fraud; the member resigned his seat and challenged him to another 
election. This was done, and once more Watson was decisively defeated. 
Since then he has divided his time between his plantation and a Pop¬ 
ulist newspaper at Atlanta, of which he is the manager. 


The Act of February 12, 1873. 

The principal parts of the Act are as follows : 

Section 14. That the g-old coins of the United States shall be a 
one-dollar piece, which, at the standard weight of 25 8-10 grains, shall 
be the unit of value; a quarter eagle, or two-and-a-half-dollar piece; a 
three-dollar piece; a half eagle, or five-dollar piece ; an eagle, or ten- 
dollar piece, and a double eagle, or twenty-dollar piece. And the stand¬ 
ard weight of the gold dollar shall be 25 8-10 grains, of the quarter 
eagle, or two-and-a-half-dollar piece, 64^ grains; of the three-dollar 
piece, 77 4-10 grains; of the half eagle, or five-dollar piece, 129 grains; 
of the eagle, or ten-dollar piece, 258 grains ; of the double^'eagle, or 
twenty-dollar piece, 516 grains, which coins shall be a legal tender in all 
payments at their nominal value when not below the standard weight 
and limit of tolerance provided in this Act for the single piece, and, 
when reduced in weight, below said standard and tolerance, shall be a 
legal tender at valuation in proportion to their actual weight, and any 
gold coin of the United States, if reduced in weight by natural abrasion 
not more than one-half of one per centum below the standard weight 
prescribed by law, after a circulation of twenty years, as shown by its 
date of coinage, and at a rateable proportion for any period less than 
twenty years, shall be received at their nominal value by the United 
States Treasury and its offices, under such regulations as the Secretary 
of the Treasury may prescribe for the protection of the Government 
against fraudulent abrasion or other practices; and any gold coins in 
the Treasury of the United States reduced in weight below this limit of 
abrasion shall be recoined. 

Section 15. That the silver coins of the United States shall be a 
trade dollar; a half dollar, or fifty-cent piece ; a quarter, or twenty-five- 
cent piece ; a dime, or ten-cent piece, and the weight of the trade dollar 



105 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

shall be 420 grains troy ; the weight of the half dollar shall be 12 grams 
(grammes) and one half of a gram (gramme); the quarter dollar and 
the dime shall be respectively one half and one fifth of the weight of 
said half dollar ; and said coins shall be a legal tender at their nominal 
value for any amount not exceeding $5 in any one payment. 

Section 17. That no coins, either of gold, silver or minor coinag'e, 
shall hereafter be issued from the mint other than those of the denom¬ 
inations, standards and weights herein set forth. 

Section 21. That any owner of silver bullion may deposit the same 
at any mint, to be formed into bars, or into dollars of the weight of 420 
grains troy, designated in this Act as trade dollars, and no deposit of 
silver for other coinage shall be received; but silver bullion contained 
in gold deposits, and separated therefrom, may be paid for in silver coin, 
at such valuation as may be, from time to time, established by the 
Director of the Mint. 


The Bland=Allison Law of February 28, 1878. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled: 

Sec. 1. That there shall be coined at the several mints of the 
United States silver dollars of the weight of 412)4 grai s Troy of 
standard silver, as provided in the act of January 18th, 1837, on which 
shall be the devices and superscriptions provided by said Act; (1.) 
which coins, together with all silver dollars heretofore coined by the 
United States, of like weight and fineness, shall be legal tender at their 
nominal value, for all debts and dues public and private, except where 
otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract. And the Secretary of 
the Treasury is authorized and directed to purchase from time to time, 
silver bullion at the market price thereof, not less than two million 
dollars worth per month nor more than four million dollars worth per 
month, and cause the same to be coined monthly, as fast as so purchased, 
into such dollars; and a sum sufficient to carry out the foregoing pro¬ 
vision of this act is hereby appropriated out of any money in the 
Treasury not otherwise appropriated. 

And any gain or seignorage arising from this coinage shall be ac¬ 
counted for and paid into the Treasury, as provided under existing laws 
relative to the subsidary coinage: 

•""Provided, That the amount of money at any one time invested in 
such silver bullion, exclusive of such resulting coin, shall not exceed 
five million dollars: 

And provided further, That nothing in this act shall be construed 
to authorize the payment in silver of certificates of deposits issued 
under the provision of Section 254 of the Revised Statutes. 

Sec. 2. That immediately after the passage of this act, the Presi¬ 
dent shall invite the Governments of the countries composing the Latin 
Union, so called, and such other European Nations as he may deem ad¬ 
visable, to join the United States in a conference to adopt a common 
ratio between g*old and silver for the purpose of establishing, inter¬ 
nationally, the use of bimetallic money, and securing fixity of relative 
value between those metals. 



106 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


Such conference to be held at such place in Europe or in the United 
States, at such time within six months, as may be mutually ag'reed upon 
by the Executives of the Governments joining- in the same, whenever the 
Governments so invited, or any three of them, shall have signified their 
willingness to unite in the same. The President shall, by and with the 
advice and consent of the Senate, appoint three commissioners, who 
shall attend such conference on behalf the United States, and shall re¬ 
port the doing-s thereof to the President, who shall transmit the same 
to Congress. Said commissioners shall each receive the sum of $2,500 and 
their reasonable expenses, to be approved by the Secretary of State, and 
the amount necessary to pay such compensation and expenses is hereby ap¬ 
propriated out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated. 

Sec. 3. That any holder of the coin authorized by this Act may 
deposit the same with the Treasurer or any Assistant Treasurer of the 
United States, in sums not less than ten dollars, and receive therefor 
certificates of not less than ten dollars each, corresponding- with the 
denominations of the United States notes. 

The coin deposited for or representing- the certificates shall be re¬ 
tained in the Treasury for the payment of the same on demand. 

Said certificates shall be receivable for customs, taxes and all public 
dues, and, when so received, may be reissued. 

Sec. 4. All acts, and parts of acts, inconsistent with the provis¬ 
ions of this act are hereby repealed. [Became a law February 28, 1878, 
notwithstanding the President’s veto.] 

Note.—( 1.) The provisions of the Act of 1837, here referred to, are as follows : 

“Sec. 8. That the standard for both gold and silver coins of the United States shall 
hereafter be such that of one-thousandth part by weight, nine hundred shall be of pure 
metal, and one hundred of alloy; and the alloy of the silver coins shall be cop¬ 
per. * * * 

“Sec. 9. That of the silver coins, the dollar shall be of the weight cf four hundred 
and twelve and one-half grains; * * * 

' “Sec 13. That upon the coins struck at the mint there shall be the following de¬ 
vices and legends: Upon one side of each of said coins there shall be an impression em¬ 
blematic of Liberty, with an inscription of the word Liberty, and the year of the coinage; 
and upon the reverse of each of the gold and silver coins there shall be the figure or 
representation of an eagle, with the inscription ‘United States of America’, and a desig¬ 
nation of the value of the coin.” * * * 


The Sherman Law of 1890. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, that the Secretary of 
the Treasury is hereby directed to purchase, from time to time, silver 
bullion to the aggregate amount of four million five hundred thousand 
ounces, or so much thereof, as may be offered in each month at the 
market price thereof, not exceeding one dollar for three hundred and 
seventy-one and twenty-five hundredths grains of pure silver, and to 
issue in payment for such purchases of silver bullion Treasury notes of 
the United States, to be prepared by the Secretary of the Treasury, in 
such form and of such denominations, not less than one dollar nor 
more than one thousand dollars, as he may prescribe, and a sum suffi- 



107 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 

cient to carry into effect the provisions of this Act is hereby appropriated 
out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated. 

Section 2. That the Treasury notes issued in accordance with the 
provisions of this Act shall be redeemable on demand, in coin, at the 
Treasury of the United States, or at the office of any Assistant Treas¬ 
urer of the United States, and when so redeemed may be reissued ; but 
no greater or less amount of such notes shall be outstanding at any 
time than the cost of the silver bullion and the standard silver dollars 
coined therefrom, then held in the Treasury purchased by such notes; 
and such Treasur}^ notes shall be a legal tender in payment of all debts, 
public and private, except where otherwise expressly stipulated in the 
contract, and shall be receivable for customs, taxes, and all public dues, 
and when so received may be reissued; and such notes, when held by 
any national banking association, may be counted as a part of its lawful 
reserve. 

That upon demand of the holder of any of the Treasury notes herein 
provided for the Secretary of the Treasury shall, under such regulations 
as he may prescribe, redeem such notes in gold or silver coin, at his dis¬ 
cretion, it being the established policy of the United States to maintain 
the two metals on a parity with each other upon the present legal ratio, 
or such ratio as may be provided by law. 

Sec. 3. That the Secretary of the Treasury shall each month coin 
two million ounces of the silver bullion purchased under the provisions 
of this Act into standard silver dollars until the first day of July, eigh¬ 
teen hundred and ninety-one, and after that time he shall coin of the 
silver bullion purchased under the provisions of this Act as much as 
may be necessary to provide for the redemption of the Treasury notes 
herein provided for, and any gain or seigniorage arising from such 
coinage shall be accounted for and paid into the Treasury. 

Sec. 4. That the silver bullion purchased under the provisions of 
this Act shall be subject to the requirements of existing law and the reg¬ 
ulations of the mint service governing the methods of determining the 
amount of pure silver contained, and the amount of charges or deduc¬ 
tions, if any, to be made. 

Sec. 5. That so much of the Act of February twenty-eighth, eigh¬ 
teen hundred and seventy-eight, entitled “An Act to Authorize the 
Coinage of the Standard Silver Dollar and to Restore its Legal-tender 
Character,” as requires the monthly purchase and coinage of the same 
into silver dollars of not less than two million dollars, nor more than 
four million dollars’ worth of silver bullion, is hereby repealed. 

Sec. 6. That upon the passage of this Act the balances standing 
with the Treasurer of the United States to the respective credits of 
national banks for deposits made to redeem the circulating notes of such 
banks; and all deposits thereafter received for like purpose, shall be 
covered into the Treasury as a miscellaneous receipt, and the Treasury 
of the United States*shall redeem from the g'eneral cash in the Treasury 
the circulating notes of said banks which may come into his possession 
subject to redemption ; and upon the certificate of the Comptroller of the 
Currency that such notes have been received by him and that they have 
been destroyed and that no new notes will be issued in their place, 


108 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


reimbursement of their amount shall be made to the Treasurer, under such 
regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe from an appro¬ 
priation hereby created, to be known as National Bank Notes Redemp¬ 
tion account, but the provisions of this Act shall not apply to the deposits 
received under Section 3, of the Act of June twentieth, eighteen hun¬ 
dred and seventy-four, requiring every National bank to keep in lawful 
money with the Treasurer of the United States a sum equal to five per- 
centum of its circulation, to be held and used for the redemption of its 
circulating notes; and the balance remaining of the deposits so covered 
shall, at the close of each month, be reported on the monthly public 
debt statement as debts of the United States bearing no interest. 

Sec. 7. That this Act shall take effect thirty days from and after 
its passage [July 14, 1890]; repealed 1893. 


The 16 to i Ratio. 

(Copied by permission from the Cincinnati Times-Star, July 13, 1896). 

A subscriber in Richmond, Ind., asks for an explanation of free 
and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to 1. He wants to know what the 
value of a dollar would be at that rate, what the value is at the present 
rate, saying that there are thousands of laboring men like himself who 
are not familiar with this question and who are clamorous for informa¬ 
tion so that when November comes they can vote intelligently. 

For the information of this subscriber and his thousands of friends 
we would repeat what has been said in these columns before that free 
coinage means that anybody, individual or corporation, natives or for¬ 
eigners, may send silver bullion to the United States mints and have it 
coined into dollars free of charge except for the cost of the alloy em¬ 
ployed. The dollars returned to the owners of the bullion would each 
constitute a legal tender for the payment of 100 cents of indebtedness. 
The use of the term unlimited as usually employed in all free coinage 
propositions means that there should be no restriction as to the amount 
of bullion received for coinag'e, all the silver in the world could be sent 
to the United States mints for coinage if the proposition made by the 
Populists recently assembled in Chicago were carried out. 

Now as to the ratio. In the present standard silver dollar there are 
371 % grains of pure silver. Under the free-coinage plan any man would 
be able to take 371J^ grains of pure silver, no matter whether it was in 
the shape of silver spoons, a silver nugget or a silver pig to the United 
States mint and have it coined into a silver dollar just as the holder of 
23.22 grains of pure gold can take that quantity of yellow metal to the 
mint and get it coined into a gold dollar and pay only for the alloy 
which goes into it. To get at the ratio between these two dollars the 
371.25 grains contained in a silver dollar is divided by 23.22 grains 
which a gold dollar contains giving a quotient of 1.5.98, which is so near 
16 as to be called 16 in round numbers, hence the 16 to 1; that is, it 
takes 16 times as many grains of silver to make a dollar as it does of 
gold. 

In an ounce troy weight there are 480 grains. It will be seen that 
a silver dollar lacks the difference between 371 % and 480 grains in 



PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


109 


weighing an ounce. The market value of an ounce of silver at the 
last Saturday was 69^6 cents. Say in round numbers and for convenience 
of calculation, an ounce of silver is worth 70 cents. At 70 cents an 
ounce, 16 troy ounces of silver would be worth $11.20. One ounce of 
pure gold anywhere in the world is worth $20.67. This is found by di¬ 
viding 480, the number of grains troy in an ounce, by 23.22, the number 
of grains in a gold dollar. The quotient is 20.67. Now the silver mine 
owners and the wealthy advocates of free coinage everywhere demand 
the privilege of taking 16 Troj - ounces of silver, worth, according to the 
markets, of last Saturday, $11.20, to the mint and receiving in return 
for it silver dollars of the face value of $20.67. In other words, they 
propose by the act of the Government, by a fiat if you please, to lift up 
the present bullion value of silver from $11.20 to $20.67. They think to 
restore the value of a mineral to the price whjch once obtained for it 
when the demand for it was great and the supply small. 

. For more ,than twenty years the price of silver has constantly de¬ 
clined, not because of any act of demonetization, but by the fact that 
science has discovered ways of mining this metal which has cheapened 
its value. There are mines that have been worked in Colorado in which 
silver was produced at a cost of eleven cents an ounce. The difference 
between eleven cents and 69/8 cents represented the profits to the mine 
owner last Saturday. But these enormous profits do not satisfy him. 
He demands free coinage so that he can realize the stupendous advantages 
that have just been named. 


Gold Standard, Free Coinage and Bimetallism. 

Monetary standard is the article, which is used as a medium of 
exchange by the commerce of a country, having in itself full value, 
and which requires no government stamp to augment its face value or 
its weight value. 

Gold metal has been this article in the United States during all the 
days of their independence. No one country can have two standards, 
because no man could ever buy or sell a bushel of wheat measured in 
two standards at one and the same time. The Government can ordain 
a certain weight of the standard metal to be the unit of value. 

As this unit of value called a dollar is simply a second name for 
23t¥o grains gold, the market price of gold metal can never vary 
until commerce uses another standard and measures by another unit. 

Free coinage of silver means that the United States must pay for 
all silver bullion presented at the mints $1.29 per ounce, just as the 
mints now pay $20.67 for every ounce of gold that is presented. 

On April 1st, 1792, Alexander Hamilton found that silver was worth 
in the market on that day $1.2929 per ounce in gold and fixed that as 
one silver unit, but this unit was never used in commerce to measure 
the value of a silver dollar on anything else since it was invented. 
Silver never remained at $1.2929 per ounce for thirty days, and in free 
coinage the Government has either lost or made money on every ounce 
of siver it coined free until it stopped free coinage in 1853, twenty 
years before the “silver crime of 1873.” 



110 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


The unit of value may be silver in law and gold in practice, or may 
be gold in law and silver in practice. 

Nearly all countries have two standard units in law, but no country 
ever had two in use at the same time and never will. 

A bimetallist is one who can not understand bimetallism, because 
the moment he understands bimetallism he becomes a disciple of the 
single standard. Alex. B. McAvoy, 

Deputy U. S. Treasurer at Cincinnati, Ohio. 


COINS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Gold. 

Fine gold Alloy 

Denomination. contained, con- Weight. 

tained. 

Grains. Grains. Grains. 

One dollar ($1). 23.22 2.58 25.80 

Quarter eagle ($2.50). 58.05 6.45 64.50 

Three dollars ($3)... 69.66 7.74 77 40 

Half eagle ($5). 116.10 12.90 129.00 

Eagle ($10). 232 20 25.80 258.00 

Double eagle ($20).. 464 40 51.60 516 00 

*The alloy neither adds or detracts from the 
value of the coin. 

Silver. 

Fine sil- Alloy 
ver con- c< n- Weight, 

tained. tained. 

Grains. Grains. Grains. 

371.25 41.25 412.50 
173.61 19.29 192 90 
86.805 9 645 96.45 

34.722 3.858 38.58 

Minor. 

Fine cop- Alloy 

Denomination. per con- con- Weight. 

tained. tained. 

Grains, Grains. Grains. 

*Five cents. 57.87 19.29 77.16 

fOne cent. 45 60 2.40 48 

^Seventy-five per cent copper, 25 per cent nickel. 
, t Ninety-five per cent copper, 5 percent tin and 
zinc. 

Prior to the Act of February 21, 1853, all silver 
coins were legal tender in all payments whatso¬ 
ever. The act of February 21st, 1853, reduced the 
weight of all silver coins of less denomination 
than the silver dollar about 7 percent, to be coined 
on Government account only, and made them 
legal tender in payment of debts for all sums not 
exceeding $5. 

Troy weights are used, and while metric 
weights are by law assigned to half and 
quarter dollar and dime, troy weights still 
continue to be employed, 15.432 grains being 
considered as the equivalent of a gram, 
agreeably to the act of July 28th, 1866. 

The weight of $1,000 in United States gold 
coin is 53.75 troy ounces, equivalent to 3.68 
pounds avoirdupois. The weight of $1,000 
in standard silver dollars is 859.375 troy 
ounces, equivalent to 58.92 pounds avoirdu¬ 
pois, and the weight of $1,000 in subsidiary 
silver is 803.75 troy ounces,equivalent to 55.11 
pounds avoirdupois. 


Denomination. 


Standard Dollar 

Half dollar. 

Quarter dollar.. 
Dime.. 


Bullion Value of Silver Dollars at 


Average Price of Silver. 


Calendar. 

Year. 

Value. 

Calendar. 

Year. 

Value. 

1873. 

. .$1,004 

1884. 

.$ .861 

1874. 

. .988 

1885 .... 

.823 

1875. 

. . .964 

1886 

. .769 

1876 .... 

. .804 

1887. 

.758 

1877 . 

. .929 

1888. 

. . .727 

1878... 

. .891 

1889 

. .724 

1879 

. .868 

1890 

. .810 

1880... 

. .886 

1891 

. .764 

1881 

.881- 

1892. 

.674 

1882 

. .878 

1893 

. .604 

1883 

. .858 

1894 .... 

. . .490 



1895. 

. .507 


Prices of Silver in London, 
1833-1895. 


Lowest, 

C’lend’r Q’otation. 

Highest 

Quotation 

Average 

Quotation. 

Average 
value of 
Fine < z. 

Year. 

Pence. 

Pence. 

Pence. 

Dollars 

1865 

60% 

61% 

61 1-16 

1.338 

1866 

60% 

62% 

61% 

1.339 

1867 

60% 

61% 

60 9-16 

1.328 

1868 

60% 

61% 

60% 

1.326 

1869 

60 

61 

60 7-16 

1.325 

1870 

60% 

60% 

60 9-16 

1.328 

1871 

60 3-16 

61 

60% 

1.326 

1872 

59% 

61% 

60 5-16 

1.322 

1873 

57% 

59 15-16 

59% 

1 298 

1874 

57% 

59% 

58 5-16 

1.278 

1875 

55% 

57% 

56% 

1.248 

1876 

46% 

58% 

52% 

1 556 

1877 

53% 

58% 

54 13-16 

1.201 

1878 

49% 

55% 

52 9-16 

1.152 

1879 

48% 

53% 

51% 

1.123 

1880 

51% 

52% 

52% 

1.145 

1881 

50% 

52% 

51 15-16 

1.138 

1882 

50 

52% 

51 13-16 

1.136 

1883 

50 

51 3-16 

50% 

1.110 

1884 

49% 

51% 

50% 

1.113 

1885 

46%. 

50 

48 9-16 

1.0615 

1886 

42 

47 

45% 

0 9946 

1887 

43% 

47% 

44% 

0.9782 

1888 

41% 

44 9-16 

42% 

0.9397 

1889 

42 

44% 

41 11-16 

0.9351 

1890 

43% 

54% 

47% 

1.0463 

1891 

43% 

48% 

45 1-16 

0.9878 

1892 

37% 

43% 

39% 

0.8711 

1893 

30% 

38% 

35 9-16 

0.7803 

1894 

27 

31% 

28% 

0.6348 

1895 

27 3-16 

31% 

29% 

0.6549 



























PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


Ill 


BRIEF SUMMARY OF MONETARY HISTORY OF THE WORLD SINCE 1786. 

(Taken from Official Records.) 


1786.— Establishment of the Double 
Standard in the United States With a 
ratio of 1 to 15.25; that is, on the basis of 123.134 
grains of fine gold for the half-eagle, or $5 piece, 
and 375.64 grains of fine silver for the dollar, with¬ 
out any actual coinage. 

1792. Adoption of tire llatio of 1 to 

15 and establishment of a mint with free and gra¬ 
tuitous coinage in the United States; the silver dol¬ 
lar equal to 371*4 grains fine, the eagle to 247*4 
grains fine. 

1803.—Establishment of tire Double 
Standard in France on the basis of the ratio 
of 1 to 15notwithstanding the fact that the mar¬ 
ket ratio was then about 1 to 15. 

1810.—Introduction of tire Silver 
Standard in Russia on the basis of the ruble 
of 17.99 grams of fine silver, followed in 1871 by the 
coinage of imperials, or gold pieces of 5 rubles, of 
5.998 grams; therefore with a ratio of 1 to 15. This 
ratio was changed by the increase of the imperial to 
5 rubles, 15 copecks, and later to 1 to 15.45. 

1815. —Great Depreciation of Paper 
Money in England, reaching 26*4 P er cent, 
in May. Course of gold £5, 6 s , and of silver, 71*4 d. 
per ounce standard. In December the loss was 
only 6.per cent. Gold at this period was quoted at 
£4, 3 s., and silver at 64 d. 

18 16.—Abolition of the Double Stand¬ 
ard in England, which had had as its basis 
the ratio of 1 to 15.21, and adoption of the gold 
standard on the basis of the pound sterling at 7.322 
grams fine in weight. 

Coinage of divisional money at the rate of 66 d 
per ounce. Extreme prices, £4, 2 s. for gold, and 
64 d. for silver; in January, £3, 18 s., 6 d.,and 59*4 d. 
in December. 

1816. —Substitution for tlie Ratio off 
1 to 15.5 in Holland established by a rather 
confused coinage of tho ratio of 1 to 15%. 

1819.—Abolition of Forced Currency 
in Englaud. Price of gold, £3, 17 s., 10p, d., 
and of silver 62 d. per ounce in October, against £4, 
1 s., 6 d., and 97 d. in February. 

1832.—Introduction of tlie Monetary 
System of France in Belgium, with a de¬ 
cree providing for the coinage of pieces of 20 and 
40 francs, which, however, were not stamped. Sil¬ 
ver, 59% d. 

1834. —Substitution of tlie Ratio of 1 
to 16 for tliat of 1 to 15 in the TJ. S., by 

reducing the weight of the eagle, ten-dollar gold 
piece, from 270 to 258 grains. In 1837 the fineness of 
the United States gold coins was raised from .899225 
to .900, and the 'ilver coins from .8924 to .900, giving 
a ratio of 1 to 15.988 and fixing the standard weight 
of the silver dollar at 412 1-2 grains. Silver 59 15-16d. 

1835. —Introduction of the Company 
Rupee, a piece of silver weighing 165 grains fine, 
in India in place of the sicca rupee Creation of 
a trade coin—the mohur, or piece of 15 rupees— 
containing 165 grains of fine gold. Silver 59 ll-16d. 

1844 . — Introduction of the Double 
Standard in Turltey, with the ratio of 1 to 
15.10. Silver, 59*4d. 

1 847.—Abolition of tlie Double Stand¬ 
ard in Holland by the introduction of the sil¬ 
ver standard on the basis of a 1-florin piece 0.945 
grams fine, the coinage of w T hich had already been 
decreed in 1839. Silver, 59 ll-16d. 

1 847.—Discovery of the Gold Mines of 
California. 

1848.—Coinage in Belgium of pieces of 
10 and 25 francs in gold, a shade too light. These 


pieces were demonetized and withdrawn from cir¬ 
culation in 1884. Silver, 59*4d. 

1848.—Replacing! the Ratio of 1 to 16 
in Spain, which had been in force since 1786, by 
that of 1 to 15.77. 

1850. —Introduction of the French 
Monetary System in Switzerland, with¬ 
out any actual coinage of gold pieces. Silver, 60 
l-16d. 

1851. —Discovery of Cold Mines in 
Australia. 

1853. — Cowering - of the Weight of 
Silver Pieces of less value than 1 to the extent 
of 7 per cent, in the United States, and limitation 
of their legal tender power to $5. Silver, 61%d. 

1853. — Maximum of the Production 
of Cold Reached in California, when it 

amounted to $65,000,000. 

1854. — Introduction of the Gold 
Standard in Portugal on the basis of the 
crowns of 16.257 grams fine. Before this period the 
country had the silver standard, with a rather 
large circulation of gold coins stamped on the 
basis of 1 to 15*4 in 1835 and 1 to 16*4 in 1847. Silver, 
61*4d. 

1854.—Modification off the Ratio of 1 
to 15.77 in Spain by raising it to 1 to 15 48, and 
lowering the piaster from 23.49 grams to 23.36 grams 
fine. 

1854. — Introduction of the Silver 
Standard, as it existed in the mother country, 
in Java, in place of the ideal Javanese money, and 
coinage of colonial silver pieces. 

1857. — Conclusion of a Monetary 
Treaty Retween Austria and the Ger¬ 
man States, in accordance with which 1 pound 
of fine silver (one-half a kilogram) was stamped 
into 30 thalers or 52*4 florins of South Germany, or 
45 Austrian florins, resulting in 1 thaler equaling 
1% German florins or 1*4 Austrian florins. Silver, 
61% d. 

1861. —Caw Decreeing the Coinage off 
Cold Pieces of 10 and 20 francs exactly equal to 
French coins of the same denomination in Bel¬ 
gium Silver, 61% d. 

1862. —Adoption of the French Mone¬ 
tary System by Italy. Silver, 61 7-16 d. 

1 865.—Formation of the Catin I n ion 

between France, Belgium, Switzerland and Italy 
on the basis of a ratio of 1 to 15*4. Silver, 611-16 d. 

1868.—Adoption of the French Mone¬ 
tary System by Roumania, with the ex¬ 
clusion of the 5-franc silver piece, which was, how¬ 
ever, stamped in 1881 and 1883. Silver, 60*4 d- 

1868.—Admission of Creece into the 

Catin Union. The definite and universal intro¬ 
duction of the French monetary system into the 
country was effected only in 1883. 

1868.—Adoption of the French Mone¬ 
tary System, with the peseta or franc as the 
unit, by Spain. The coinage of gold alphouses d’or 
of 25 pesetas was made only in 1876. 

1871.—Replacing of the Silver Stand¬ 
ard in Cermany by the gold standard coinage 
in 1873 of gold pieces of 5, 10 and 20 mark pieces, 
the latter weighing 7.168 grains fine. Silver, 60 l-2d. 

1871.—Establishment of the Double 
Standard in Japan wiih the ratio of 1 to 16.17 
by the coinage of the gold yen of 1.667 grains and of 
the silver yen of 26.956 grams, both with a fineness 
of 0 900. 

1873. — Increase of the Intrinsic 
Value of the Divisional Coins of the 





112 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


United States. Replacing of the double stand¬ 
ard by the gold standard. Reduction of the cost of 
coinage of gold to one-tifth per cent., the total aboli¬ 
tion of which charge was decreased in 1875. Crea¬ 
tion of a trade dollar of 420 grains with a fineness 
of 0.900. Silver, 59% d. 

1873.—Suspension of Coinage of 5- 
franc pieces in Belgium. 

1873.—Limitation of the Coinage off 
5 francs on individual account in France. 

1873.—Suspension of the Coinage of 
Silver in Holland. 

1873. —Formation of the Scandina¬ 
vian Monetary Union. Replacing of the 
silver standard in Denmark, Sweden and Norway 
by that of gold ou the ba-is of the krone. Coinage 
of pieces of 10 and 20 kroner, the latter weighing 
8.961 grams with a fineness of 0.900. 

1874. —Introduction of the System of 
Contingents for the coinage of 5-franc silver 
pieces in the Latin Union. Silver, 58 5-16 d. 

1875. —Suspension of the Coinage off 
Silver on individual account in Italy, Silver, 
56% d. 

1875.—Suspension of the Coinage of 
Silver on account of the Dutch colonies. 

1875. — Introduction of the Double 
Standard in Holland on the basis of the 
ratio of 1 to 15.62 by the creation of a gold piece of 
10 florins, weighing 5.048 grams fine, with the main¬ 
tenance of the suspension of coinage of silver. 

1876. — Great Fluctuations in the 
Price of Silver, which declined to 46% d , rep¬ 
resenting the ratio of 1 to 20.172 in July. Recovery 
in December to 56% d. Average price, 52% d. 

1877. — Coinage of 5-franc Silver 
pieces by Spain continued later notwithstand¬ 
ing the decrease of silver in the market. Silver, 
54% d. 

1877. — Replacing of the Double 
Standard in Finland by that of gold on the 
basis of the mark or franc. 

187 8.—Act of United States Congress 

providing for the purchase, from time to time, of 
silver bullion, at the market price thereof, of not 
less than $2,000,000 worth per month as a minimum, 
nor more than $4,000,000 per month as a maximum, 
and its coinage as fast as purchased into silver dol¬ 
lars of 412 1-2 grains. The coinage of silver on pri¬ 
vate account prohibited Silver, 52 9-16 d. 

1878. —Meeting of the First Interna- 
ational Monetary Conference in Paris. 
Prolongation of the Latin Union to January 1, 1886. 


1879.—Suspension of the Sales of Sil¬ 
ver by Germany. Silver, 51% d. 

1881.—Second International Mone¬ 
tary Conference in Paris, Silver, 51 11-16 d. 

1885. — Introduction of the Double 
Standard in Egypt. Silver. 48% d. 

1885. —Prolongation of tlieJUatin Un¬ 
ion to January 1, 1891. 

1886. —Great Reduction in the Price 
of Silver, which fell in August to 42 d., repre¬ 
senting a ratio of 1 to 22.5, and recovery in Decem¬ 
ber to 46 d. Modification of the coinage of the gold 
and silver pieces in Russia. Silver 45%d. 

1887. —Retirement of the Trade Dol¬ 
lars by the Government of the United States in 
March. Demonetization of the Spanish pieces, 
known as Ferdinand Caro us, whose reimburse¬ 
ment at the rate of 5 pesetas, ended ou March 11. 
New decline in March to 44 d., representing the 
ratio of 1 to 21 43. Silver, 44% d. 

1899.—United States — Repeal of the 
Act of February 28, 1878, commonly known 
as Bland-Allison law, and substitution of author¬ 
ity for purchase of 4,500,000 fine ounces of silver 
each month to be paid for by issue of Treasury 
notes payable in coin. (Act of July 14, 1890.) 

Demonetization of 25,000,000 lei in pieces of 5 lei 
in Roumania in consequence of the introduction of 
the gold standard by the law of October 27. Silver, 
47 11-16 d. 

1891. — Introduction of the French 
Monetary System in Tunis on the basis of 
the gold standard. Coinage of national gold coins 
and bullion. Silver, 45 1-16 d. 

1892. —Replacing off the Silver Stand¬ 
ard in Austria-Hungary by that of gold by 

the law of August 2. Coinage of pieces of 20 
crowns, containing 6.098 grams tine. The crown 
equals one-half fiorin Meeting of the third inter¬ 
national monetary conference at Brussels. 

Production of gold reaches its maximum, vary¬ 
ing between 675,000,000 and 734,000,000 francs. Sil¬ 
ver, 39 13-16. 

1893. —Suspension of the Coinage of 
Silver in Rritish India and of French trade 
dollars on individu .1 account. Panic in the silver 
market in July in London, when the prices fell be¬ 
low 30d., representing the ratio of 1 to 31.43. Repeal 
of the purchasing clause of the act of July 14, 
1890, by the Congress of the United States. 

1895.—Adoption of the Gold Standard 
by Chili. 

1 895.— Russia decides to coin 100,000,000 gold 
rubles in 1896. 


Weight and Fineness of Coins and Standard Bullion. 

An ounce of gold 1000 fine is worth $20.671834 plus. 

An ounce of silver 1000 fine is worth (coining value) $1.292929 plus. 

All American gold and silver coins are t 9 q, or 9000 line 
A gold dollar weighs 25.8 grains, t 9 q pure gold, 23.22 grains. 

A pound sterling weighs 123.274 plus grains, ^ pure gold, or 113.0016 plus grains. 

A pound sterling is worth $4.8665635287 plus. 

One ounce of silver, English standard, is .925 fine=444 grains pure silver. 

One ounce pure silver, American standard, is .900 fine-=432 grains pure silver. 

Ounce of silver, “fine,” is 1.000 fine=48u grains pure .silver. 

A silver dollar of the United States weighs 41 grains .900 fine, contains 371.25 grains 
pure silver 

A dollar of fractional silver weighs 25 grams=385.80 grains, .900 fine, contains 
347.22 grains of pure silver. 

An English shilling weighs 87.273 grains t 9 o 2 o 5 q fine, contains 80.729 grains pure silver. 
The alloy in gold coin of the United States is pu e silver and copper 
The alloy in the silver coin of the United States is pure copper. 

The pure gold in gold coins of the United States is worth the face value of the coin. 







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Total. J.I. 1 415,080,077'8,580,467, 































































114 


PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


Coinage Value in Gold of an Ounce of Silver. 


Coinage value in gold of an ounce of fine silver at the ratios 1:15-1:33, from compu¬ 
tations by United Stat s Treasury Department. 



Value of an ounce 


Value of an ounce 


value of an ounce 

Ratio. 

of fine silver. 

Ratio. 

of fine silver. 

Ratio. 

of fine silver. 

1 to 15 ... 

$1.3780 

1 to 21 

. $ .9843 

1 to 27)4 • • 

.$ .7517 

1 to 15 1 o .. 

. 1.3336 

1 to 2134. 

.9614 

1 to 28.... 

.7382 

1 to 15.988 (U S.Ratio 1.2929 

1 to 22. . 

.9396 

1 to 2834 

.7253 

1 to 16. 

. 1.2919 

1 to 2234. 

.9187 

1 to 29 . . 

.7109 

1 to 16}4. • • 

. 1.2527 

1 to 23... 

.8987 

1 to 29)4 • • 

.7007 

1 to 17. 

. 1.2159 

1 to 2334. 

.8796 

1 to 30.... 

.6890 

1 to 17 % . . 

. 1.1811 

1 to 24... 

. 8613 

1 to 30 14 .. 

. .6777 

1 to 18.... 

. 1.1483 

1 to 24*4 

.8437 

1 to 31.... 

.6668 

1 to 183^ • • 

. 1.1173 

1 to 25... 

.8268 

1 to 3134.. 

.6562 

1 to 19. 

. 1 0879 

1 to 25,4. 

.8106 

1 to 32 ... 

.6459 

1 to 19)4... 

. 1.0600 

1 to 26 .. 

...... . . .7950 

1 to 32 !4 . 

.6360 

1 to 20 ... 

. 1 0335 

1 to 26^ 

.7800 

1 to 33 ... 

.6264 

1 to 2034 • • 

. 1.0083 

1 to 27... 

.7656 




Specie Quotations in New York 
August 6th, 1896. 


Gold. 

Sovereigns. ... .. $ 4.89 

Twenty Marks. . . .. 4.78 

Twenty Brancs. . 3.88 

Spanish, Mexican and South Ameri¬ 
can Doubloons . 15.55 

Spanish 25 Pesetas . .... 478 

Holland 10 Guil ^rs . 3.96 

Twenty Pesos, Mexican . 19.60 

Mutilated American Gold, per dwt... 92.00 

Tight Weight American Gold, per $.. 98.99 

Silver. 

Trade Dollars . .. $ .65 

Mexican Dollars ... 53>£ 

Peruvian Sole and Chilian Pesos.48 y 2 

Spanish Dollars, new .70 

“ “ old . _ . .65 

Mutilated American Subsidiary Silver, 

per ounce 70 

Melting Silver, per ounce, 9 0 fine. .60 

Five Francs . 95 

Prussian Thalers. 70 

Marks. ». . .23)£ 

English Silver, per £ . 4.87 

Canada Silver. .. .98^ 

Fine Silver Bars (999) Fine.69 

Foreign Bank Notes. 

Bank of England Notes . $ 4.88 

Reichmarks.23.85 

French Bank Notes . 19.35 

Russian Roubles .... 51)4 

Austrian Gulden. .10^4 

Holland Guilders .40 

Tires, Italian .... ,18 

Mexican Bank Notes .. .52 

Kronors, Norwegian, Swedish, Dan¬ 
ish. ....... .2 Q'/ 2 

Finnish Markaa . 19 

Canada Bank Notes. 99}4 

Brazilian Milreis . .18 


Ratio of Silver to Gold. 

The ratio at which gold and silver are 
coined in the United States is 15.988 to 1— 
that is, 15.988 ounces of silver are considered 
worth one ounce of gold In England the 
ratio is 14.287 to 1, and in France 15^ to 1. 
The ratio of silver to gold prior to the 
Christian era, so far as can be ascertained 
from ancient records, average d from 14 to 1 
in Greece about 340 B. C. to 8.93 to 1 in 
Rome 58 to 49 B. C. From the beginning of 
the Christian era to the discovery of America ’ 
the ratio was from 10 50 to 1 to 14.40 to 1, 
and from 1492 to 1700 from 10.50 to 1 to 
15.40 to 1. From 1700 to 1850 the commer¬ 
cial ratio of silver to gold ranged from 14.14 
to 1 in 1760 to 16.25 to 1 in 1813. The ratio 
since 1850 has been as follows: 


1851. 

.. 15.46 

1874 .. 

....16.17 

1852. 

.. .15.59 

1875.... 

....16.59 

1853 

.15.33 

1876 ... 

....17.88 

1854. 

.. .15.33 

1877.... 

....17.22 

1855 

. .15.38 

1878.... 

....17.94 

1856 .... 

.. .15.38 

1879 ... 

....18.40 

1857. 

.. .15 27 

1880. . 

... 18.05 

1858.... 

.. 15.38 

1881 ... 

....18.16 

1859 .... 

.. .15.19 

1882.... 

, .. .18.19 

1860 .... 

...15.29 

1883.... 

.. .18.64 

1861 .... 

..15.50 

1884 ... 

. ..18 57 

1862. .. 

...15.35 

1885.... 

... .19.41 

1863 .... 

.. .15.37 

1886 ... 

....20.78 

1864 .... 

.. .15.37 

1887.... 

. .. 21.13 

1865 

.. .15.44 

1888.... 

....21.99 

1866 

...15.43 

1889.... 

....22 09 

1867. 

...15.57 

1890.... 

...19.76 

1868.... 

. .15.59 

1891.... 

....20.92 

1869. 

...15.60 

1892 ... 

...23.72 

1870. 

.. .15.57 

1893 ... 

. 26.49 

1871. 

...15.57 

1894.... 

... .32.56 

1872. 

..15 63 

1895 ... 

....31.56 

1873. 

.. .15.92 
































































































PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, 1896. 


115 


Bnllion Yalue of 37kt Grains of Pure Silver at the Annnal Average Price of Silver 

each Year from 1837 to 1894, Inclusive. 


Year. 

Value. 

Year. 

Value. 

Year. 

Value. 

Year. Value. 

1837. 

|1.009 

1852... 

.... 1.025 

1867. 

$1,027 

1882. 

.878 

1838. 

. 1.008 

1853 .. 

... 1.042 

1868.. 

. 1.025 

1883. 

.858 

1839. 

. 1.023 

1854... 

.... 1.042 

1869.. 

. 1.024 

1884. 

.861 

1840 . 

. 1 023 

1855. .. 

... 1.039 

1870. 

1.027 

1885. 

.823 

1841. 

. 1.018 

1856. . 

.... 1.039 

1871 . 

. 1.025 

1886. 

.769 

1842. 

1.007 

1857 .. 

.... 1 046 

1872. 

. 1.022 

1887. 

.756 

1843. 

. 1.003 • 

1858. . 

. . .. 1.039 

1873. 

.... 1 004 

1888. 

.727 

1844. 

. 1.008 

1859. 

.. 1.052 

1874.. 

.988 

1889 . 

.723 

1845. 

1.004 

1860... 

.... 1.045 

1875 

.964 

1890. 

.809 

1846. 

. 1.005 

1861. . 

.... 1.031 

1876.. 

.894 

1891 . 

.764 

1847. 

. 1.011 

1862... 

.... 1.041 

1877. 

.929 

1892. 

.673 

1848. 

. 1.008 

1863. 

1.040 

1878 . 

.891 

1893 . 

.603 

1849. 

1.013 

1864... 

.... 1 040 

1879 

.868 

1894. 

.491 

1850 . 

. 1.018 

1865. 

.. 1.035 

1880 . 

.886 

1895 (10 mo) 

.505 

1851. 

. 1.034 

1866... 

... 1.036 

1881. 

.880 



Executive Committee of the Republican National Convention. 


1. Gen’l. Powell Clayton, Kureka Springs, 

Arkansas. 

2. Charles G. Dawes, Union League Club, 

Chicago, Ill. 

3. W. T. Durbin, Anderson, Ind. 

Wm. M. Osborne, Sec., Boston, Mass. 


4. Cyrus Leland, Troy, Kansas. 

5. Jos. H. Manley, Augusta, Maine. 

6 . M. S. Quay, Beaver, Pa. 

7. H. C. Payne, Milwaukee, Wis. 

8 . N. B. Scott, Wheeling, W. Va. 

M. A. Hanna, Chairman, Cleveland, O. 


COMPILER’S NOTICE. 


The contents of this book have been compiled from the most 
reliable sources, in most instances official. The compiler desires to 
express thanks to Senator J. B. Foraker, Hon. Mark A. Hanna, Hon. 
Thos. J. Cogan, Hon. John K. Gowdy, Chairman of the Indiana Repub¬ 
lican State Committee; Alex. B. McAvoy, Deputy U. S. Treasurer at 
Cincinnati; Hon. Wm. J. Bryan, and others, who kindly furnished 
official information used in compiling- this book. The statistics in the 
monetary articles were taken from official computations made by the 
United States Treasury Department. It has been the aim of the com¬ 
piler to make this volume the best book of information about the 
campaign of 1896 that has yet appeared. The kind commendation of 
the public is requested. John W. Ballmann, 

Compiler and Editor. 


THIS BOOK WILL BE SENT TO ANY ADDRESS ON RECEIPT 

OF 25 CENTS. 















































CONTENTS. 


Act of February, 1873.104 

Act, Bland-Allison, of 1878. 105 

Act, Sherman, of 1890.106 

Biographies— 

Wm. McKinley. 99 

Wm. Jennings Bryan.101 

Garret A. Hobart.!. .100 

Arthur Sewall.102 

Thos. Watson.103 

Conventions— 

Republican National. 5 

Democratic National. 47 

Populist National. 88 

Silver Party National. 95 

Campaign Committees— 

Republican National. 32 

Republican National Executive.:.115 

Coinage Information— 

Coinage Value in Gold of Silver at Different Ratios.114 

Coins of the United States.110 

Financial Information— 

Free Silver, Meaning of.109 

Gold Standard, Meaning of.109 

Monetary Laws and History. Ill 

Monetary Events of the World. Ill 

Price of Silver, 1833-1895.110 

Production of Gold and Silver in the World Since the 

Discovery of America.113 

Specie Quotations. 114 

The 16 to 1 Ratio.108 

Weight and Fineness of Coins and Standard Bullion .... 112 
Who the Bimettalist is. 110 





































































































































































































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